If the party does well in Rajasthan, as is expected, and does not repeat its Lok Sabha performance in Madhya Pradesh and Delhi, Sonia Gandhi's position may not come under attack. But if the party position slumps in relation to the Lok Sabha results in these states, she may have trouble on her hands. The resentment that is brewing against her may coalesce into some kind of a move.

Sonia undertook a cautious exercise of restructuring the CWC and the AICC in which she neither rewarded known supporters nor punished perceived opponents. Her attempt was not to open new fronts, as she is still to get a hold over the party. But as it turns out, her action has opened many aflank.

Jitendra Prasada has been divested of vice-presidentship, Pranab Mukherji of the chairmanship of the foreign affairs cell. The Orissa CM, who has for many years managed to have his way, was shown the door and excluded from the CWC. Rajiv crony Arjun Singh too has not got anything.

Pawar lent respectability to the Congress defeat in the 1998 poll but none of his supporters like Praful Patel were accommodated in the new AICC. It must have been small comfort to have been forewarned that some of his opponents were going to be inducted into the party setup. Nawal Kishore Sharma has been ignored.

The resentment is manifesting itself in two ways. There is a feeling in the party that Sonia is favouring Christians. There are four Christians in the CWC Sonia Gandhi, Oscar Fernandes, P A Sangma, and A K Antony. And, with the 3 Muslims in the apex body, minorities account for almost 50 per cent of the CWC's strength. (Also, Alva is chairperson, grievances panel and P J Kurien chief whip.)

Sonia can illafford to do this by antagonising the majority community (or the Brahmin leadership in the party).With a pro-Hindutva BJP in the saddle, the Congress can ill-afford to make a slip. As it is, the upper castes have moved away from the Congress in UP and Bihar. There are reports of the the RSS having stepped up its efforts in the southern and western states against the activities of Christians. Today Sonia's foreign origins are not an issue but may become one, if she comes under attack, and this is bound to happen once she starts to act. Opponents then could project her mistakes as contempt for India.

The other criticism against her covertly is that she has already ``peaked''. It is premature to conclude this, though the country opted for Vajpayee in the last election. Her choice of 10 secretaries, 80 per cent of whom are either Lok Sabha MPs or ex-MPs of the Lower House, is an attempt to take the party closer to the grass-roots. Her projection of Sangma, Pilot and Sushil Kumar Shinde is a move towards a newgeneration of leaders as also towards a devolution of power to Dalits, tribals and OBCs. But these signals are not enough to bring back these communities to the party fold in a situation highly polarised on caste lines. Sonia has not come out with any plan to revive the party in UP, Bihar, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal, which account for 220 seats but where the party is more or less wiped out. (The inclusion of Mani Shankar Aiyer has ruffled the feathers of Moopanar, though the possibility of the merger of the TMC with the Congress had receded. She may want Mamta Bannerji back in the Congress.)

Now, she will have to contend with the growing hostility of those not accommodated in the power structure. Unlike Rajiv or Indira, she does not does not have the advantage of being in power and doling out its perks and patronage to keep potential dissenters out of mischief. There are only that many party positions to go around.