But the twelfth NAM summit, the first international gathering that Prime Minister A B Vajpayee will attend, is also likely to be remembered for other, substantial issues : terrorism, Afghanistan and Sudan, Palestine and UN reform.

For the first time since its inception in 1961, a NAM summit will have two nuclear powers in attendance: India and Pakistan. The barometer of interest for laymen and policywallahs alike rises by the fact that the venue of the summit is a former, closet nuclear weapons power. White South Africa voluntarily gave up its arsenal just before allowing multiracial elections for the first time ever in 1994.

Officials in the Ministry of External Affairs say that the changed status of India and Pakistan will in fact add teeth to, rather than detract from, theintrinsically independent character of the movement.

They admit, however, that New Delhi and Pretoria ``do not have identical perspectives on disarmament,'' a euphemism for a significant divide.

Principal Secretary Brajesh Mishra was in fact personally sent to explain India's view to that country last month, the underlying message being that India mustn't be publicly chastised in the final NAM communique at the summit.

This compelling need to save face seems to have been understood by South Africa, even if it doesn't agree with New Delhi's position. Nevertheless, the historical relationship as well as India's consistent support for the ANC in the time of apartheid, seems to have, at least this time around, swung Pretoria's pendulum in favour of India.

New Delhi will also compromise, by conceding a debate on the issue. ``It is entirely likely that the tests in South Asia will be a subject of discussion in Durban. But India's tests should not be seen as an act of non-proliferation, rather as aconsequence of proliferation. We undertook our tests because the five nuclear states have refused to move towards the elimination of nuclear weapons,'' ministry officials said.

On the other hand, Vajpayee will tell the summit that just like terrorism, the danger and fear of nuclear weapons straddles borders. That the time is ripe to ``work and promote'' a Nuclear Weapons Convention. ``The way forward is not a monopoly but early steps to eliminate such weapons worldwide,'' the officials added.

New Delhi is, however, not taking any chances. The reaction to the US bombing of Afghanistan and Sudan last week is believed to have been deliberately low-key because India didn't want to be seen to be belonging to any one camp. The focus, instead, was on the violence engendered by cross-border terrorism which India has been a victim of for nearly two decades.

Vajpayee is likely to especially warm to this theme when he speaks at the summit on September 3. ``The selective and extensive readiness on the part of somecountries to compare the experience of terrorism faced by democratic nations like India with thugs is something we decry... we hope for coordinated, international action. We think that the central ingredient missing is political will,'' officials said.

Interestingly, India's newfound nuclear status seems to have given added zing to its position paper on NAM. Officials aver New Delhi will play a central role in revitalising a movement that has been beset with a crisis of identity since the end of the Cold War.

``We're often asked now what is the Non-Aligned Movement non-aligned against? The answer is that NAM has rapidly disintegrated in recent years, which means that a group of 113 countries which should have a say in international matters, really doesn't.

``It is very important to us that at Durban we send a message of reinforced non-alignment and the development of an independent, economic agenda. So that we can have an effective say in placing our message at the heart of an international economicorder,'' the officials said.