It is anyone's guess whether the three states' reorganisation Bills introduced in the Lok Sabha can actually be passed by this House or even how hard the central government will try to carry the process forward to the discussion stage. Without the backing of the Bihar Assembly, presently controlled by Laloo Prasad Yadav's RJD, and irrespective of the numbers mustered in the Lok Sabha, there is no possibility of giving effect to Vananchal state any time soon.

The Akalis will have veto powers on the Uttarakhand Bill in the event that the Fernandes committee is unable to arrive at a compromise formula for Udham Singh Nagar. Even the Chattisgarh Bill which raised no contentionwhen introduced could be stalled over the nitty-gritty of demarcating borders unless that exercise is carried out with appropriate care and expertise.

The political gains for the BJP from introducing the three Bills are obvious. Having made promises to its constituents and with an uncertain tenure ahead of it, the party needs something to show for itself. The feasibility of its proposals is a secondary consideration.

There are other advantages as well from pushing ahead with this and other legislation which is not passable. For one thing, the government manages to demonstrate it is being businesslike and firm. As essential as it is in a fractured House or party (the BJP itself) to woo and win over opponents of government proposals, the worst thing an 18-party ruling coalition can do is to capitulate again and again in the face of obstructive tactics.

So it helps sometimes to brush aside the noise from allies like the Akali Dal and the Trinamool Congress. Even more valuable, politically speaking for theBJP, has been sowing the seeds of discord in the Opposition. During the winter session, a whole lot of divisions within the Third Front and between the Congress and the Left Front and the Rashtriya Loktantrik Morcha have been brought into focus.

Even though all the government's proposed legislation is up in the air, all this churning could produce results. At the end of a long process beginning with the Narasimha Rao government and transiting through the National Front to the BJP-led coalition, politics is beginning to give way to good sense.

A combination of pragmatism on the Congress' part and necessity on the BJP's have improved prospects for the Patents Bill and the IRA Bills. The same cannot be said of the women's reservation or states' reorganisation Bills. However, as has been seen often enough, each introduction of major legislation, hopefully followed by discussion, tends to bring more political clarity in the House.

The churning process is overlong and tortuous but in a divided House whichreflects conflicting interests in society there may be no other way to advance.