In his speech, Dattopant Thengadi, one of the seniormost members of the RSS, defined the works of its founder, Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, in the light of the changed circumstances.

The Chintan Baithak was inaugurated by the RSS chief Rajendra Singh, better known as Rajju Bhaiyya. Thengadi spoke after him, and his topic was `Sangh Vikas' (Sangh's Development). To understand the Sangh, he said, it is necessary to read Hedgewar again and again. He presented a life-sketch of the RSS founder through various examples. He was expelled from the school for singing `Vande Mataram.' He set up a swadeshi store at Rampal before establishing the RSS. He quit the post of the RSS sarsanghchalak (chief) in order to offer `satyagraha' during the Independence movement.

After reviewing the working processes of variousorganisations, he opted for the shakha system for setting up an organisation for the betterment of the Hindu society. This system contained in itself the element of social justice and equality, Thengadi said.

Citing several such examples, Thengadi said the swayamsewaks did not have to do anything new. They just had to implement the basic assumptions of the RSS in their lives.

He did not mention the BJP even once in his speech. But some of his statements gave enough hints. By making a mythological distinction between Dhritrashtra and Krishna-niti (the policies adopted by Lord Krishna), he probably was hinting at the BJP. The country's leadership had to be indifferent to all temptations in its task of national reconstruction. It even had to give up its fondness for the near and dear ones. It had to resist the possibility of becoming another Dhritrashtra. This was Thengadi's warning to the BJP.

The Chintan Baithak was held after 11 years and it continued for five days. Its scope was much wider thanthat of the previous such meetings. In the 73 years of its existence, such meetings have been held only at crucial junctures.

The first Chintan Baithak took place in 1939. The Sangh's prayer was finalised in this meeting. Subsequently, these meetings were held in 1947, 1952, 1972 and 1987. It's clear that they did not follow any order. Whenever its need was felt, the Sangh leadership got together. The country's political situation was radically altered in 1977. But the RSS did not think it proper to hold such a meeting then. The most important, and the most publicised, meeting was of course the one that took place in 1972. It was held held at Thane during the last days of the second RSS chief, Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, who is better known as `Guruji.' The RSS received its dishabodh (sense of direction) in this meeting. Among the 200 participants was Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee.

This year's Baithak took place against the backdrop of the new circumstances. Its preparations had started six monthsago. The topics that were discussed included the Sangh's development, development of public organisations, Hindutva, coordination, power and politics. It could be said that it became necessary for the Sangh to evaluate the present situation before finalising the future course.

When seen against the backdrop of the BJP and its government at the Centre, it becomes clear that the RSS has concluded that the present BJP leadership has deviated from the path.

Would the Sangh have changed its stance if Vajpayee and L.K. Advani had attended the meeting? The two leaders had also been invited. It was probably difficult for them to do so as they are the Prime Minister and Home Minister respectively. Party president Kushabhau Thakre was among the 12 BJP leaders who took part in the meeting.

The resolution on Swadeshi passed by the Sangh's karyakari mandal (executive committee) reflects its opinion on the BJP and the coalition government led by it.

On the basis of this resolution, it could be said that the presentBJP leadership has fallen in stature in the Sangh's view. It was a coincidence that a day before the meeting began, Thakre was forced by Advani to withdraw his statement which explained the party's stance on the Insurance Regulatory Authority Bill. Thakre's surrender before the Vajpayee Government was not acceptable to the RSS. A separate resolution on swadeshi underscored this. The day Advani confessed in the BJP parliamentary party meeting that the Government should have exercised caution on the IRA Bill and that it should have consulted the party, its officebearers had urged Thakre to utilise the opportunity by issuing a statement reiterating the party's commitment to swadeshi. This attempt was, of course, unsuccessful.

Even before Thakre's statement on the Insurance Bill, the Swadeshi Jagaran Manch had held several rounds of talks with the Prime Minister. But the Prime Minister was firm in his stand. The initiative for opening the insurance sector to foreign companies and the patents bill are considereda betrayal on the part of the Vajpayee Government and not a mere rescheduling of programmes.

The decision to open the insurance sector is not merely an economic one. The Sangh's resolution on swadeshi sees it within the framework of economic independence and self-reliance. The Sangh has considered it as the yardstick for testing the BJP and the government led by it.

The Sangh's resolution is devoid of any warning. It does not give any hint about its future course of action.

The RSS' stand on swadeshi will be explained in many ways. The BJP is in a dilemma but there is no such dilemma in the Sangh leadership. The impression that RSS chief Rajju Bhaiya has a soft corner for Vajpayee is wrong. What the organisation's joint general-secretary K.S. Sudarshan said in Nagpur (that the BJP should not take the RSS for granted) was, in fact, first stated by Rajju Bhaiyya at Allahabad in the last week of November. He had then warned the BJP not to nurse the illusion that the RSS was its tail. The same warning wasreiterated in Nagpur. Vajpayee had repeatedly listened to the recorded version of the speech delivered by Thengadi during the dharna organised by the Swadeshi Jagaran Manch on December 3. But the Government's attitude did not change.

Participating in the Chintan Baithak in 1987, Vajpayee had asked the Sangh why it refrained from intervening when it saw the BJP deviating from its path. Now he will not be entitled to ask that question.