The process of secularisation of the BJP started under his prime ministership, even though, paradoxically, the worst kind of atrocities took place against the Christians during this period.

These are early days yet, but opinion in the BJP is growing that the party will have to delink from the RSS agenda and become a more centrist force if it is to be a serious mainstream player.

There are straws in the wind to indicate the change that is coming about. VHP leader Ashok Singhal has admitted that what happened to the Christians was wrong. Speaking in the confidence vote, L K Advani described Hindutva -- earlier it used to be Hinduism -- as aguarantor of secularism. He spoke of Vajpayee's acceptability because he was seen as a moderate, even though committed to the same ideology, while he himself was seen as a hawk.

Advani too has changed tack in recent months. The BJP is becoming aware of the fact that unless the party acquires a majority -- and this is difficult unless it becomes acceptable to the minorities -- it will have to do business with other parties who depend on votes of the minorities.

Even though Advani is trying to acquire a moderate image, the mantle of leadership will remain with Vajpayee. As things have turned out, the party will not allow him to retire, even if he wants to. He was quite ambivalent about his future role when he was asked, after he resigned, if he would contest elections again. His decision to go to the President to tender his resignation, not alone but accompanied with Advani, which is unusual, raised questions as to whether he was withdrawing into his shell again.

He had once announced that he would notfight another election. But a lot of water has flowed down the Yamuna since that statement.

Though the expression of resignation was back on his face even as Advani was arguing a point of order on Giridhar Gamang's right to vote in the confidence vote, it is Vajpayee who has been attacked and it is he who will have to fight back. The BJP is bound to make his betrayal a poll issue.

The defeat of the Government by a single vote, which is being seen as a political accident, has created sympathy for the Prime Minister. People see the drama as a plain and simple struggle for power. In the last three months, the image of Vajpayee had gone up, even as that of the BJP had nose-dived.

His first day in office spoilt things for him. Had Vajpayee held firm on day one, that as PM it was his prerogative to bring in at least the Finance Minister, if not the entire Cabinet of his choice, the story might have been entirely different. He could never really recover, even though some months down the line he tried to asserthimself by inducting Jaswant Singh and Pramod Mahajan -- both of whom had been opposed by the RSS and a section of the BJP.

The damage was done and the wrong message went to his alliance partners: If pushed, Vajpayee would wilt. It took long for the adrenaline to flow and that was Vajpayee's major fault.

Ironically, what has been Vajpayee's strongpoint also turned out to be his weakness. For all of 45 years in the Opposition, he was democratic and believed in consensus as a way of working. Those who worked with him closely say that for this reason, he would shy away from imposing his will on others. This is why alliance partners of the BJP found him acceptable. In the hot seat, this asset turned out to be his undoing, as it reinforced the lack of grip on affairs of the party and the State.

It is still early to gauge the extent of the sympathy his one-vote defeat has generated, but this could prove to be a headache for the Congress in the coming days. It is farewell Vajpayee today. But, perhaps, notforever.