No to suitcases

No to suitcases

Like a Rip Van Winkle, the Vajpayee government finally awoke from its deep slumber. It took a fortnight since the Tehelka expose to realise that the media was only ``doing its job'' and had no intentions to destabilise the regime. The prime minister has finally blamed the ``system'' for the ``shortcomings'' exposed by the Tehelka tapes. Home Minister L.K. Advani at the end of the BJP's national executive meeting called for ``introspection'' since ``negative influences have gained ground within the party''. Reason seems to have ultimately replaced rhetoric. In total contrast, in the last fortnight, everyone else was blamed by the ruling party politicians except themselves: Except suitcases and money bags everything else is out to get them: From the ``foreign hand'' to the ``conspiratorial agents'', to the ``irresponsible media'' which ``doesn't care about the threat to national security.'' Not coincidentally, BJP leader Mukhtar Ahmed Naqvi rather unwittingly called the Tehelka tapes a ``naatak film.''

Notwithstanding a few reluctant resignations and the ordering of a judicial inquiry, in this case the government's attitude towards the media was ``how dare you?'' Now that the prime minister has admitted that ``the journalists have alerted us to the shortcomings in our system'' one hopes the doubletalk on the issue will end once and for all. The diagnosis, however, veers around the age-old problem of election funding and electoral reforms. In the last five decades, these problems have been discussed threadbare and yet no attempts have been made by any political party to implement any of the recommendations. In fact, former Chief Election Commissioner S.L. Shakdher rightly pointed out that political parties sanctimoniously discuss electoral reforms right before the hustings and forget them soon afterwards. With the assembly elections round the corner, the Vajpayee government needs to go beyond lip service.

The only visible changes in the electoral system are the ones initiated by the EC. Election expenditure by individual candidates has been considerably reduced thanks to T.N. Seshan's intervention. But there has been no such changes brought about with regard to the expenditure by political parties. What should the government begin with? What is the minimum common denominator for political parties in terms of election funding? How does one reduce dependence on big money. The BJP has an entire formula worked out: that of Aajiwan Sahyog Nidhi. It means decentralisation of public funds leading to collection of small amounts to form a wider base. Pious suggestions, indeed, for a simple problem of how to stay honest and not to use black money. But for starters, one often wonders what prevents political parties from providing official vouchers to private donors who contribute to election funds. All that Bangaru Laxman needed to do was provide a cash receipt. Also, he could have asked for a cheque, instead ofthick wads of notes stuffed in a suitcase. Even the existing law lays out guidelines for any money transaction above Rs 20,000. A mere receipt will indeed go a long way in ending murky deals that political parties often get into with moneybags and the underworld. Merely saying no to suitcase will ensure transparency. Reforms can follow later.