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A Hamas less contrary

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  • Shyam Bhatia
    The timing of the Islamic terrorist attacks in Britain and Pakistan could not have been worse for the Palestinian Hamas movement. The last thing that Hamas wants is to be identified with the botched attacks in London and Glasgow, for which Indian doctor brothers Kafeel and Sabeel Ahmed are being blamed, or the Muslim fundamentalist perpetrators of the Lal Masjid carnage in Islamabad, which resulted in more than 100 deaths. True, Hamas is a radical Islamic group that has carried out many atrocities against innocent civilians in Israel. The movement’s suicide bombers have claimed the lives of hundreds of people over the past decade and its ideology continues to promote jihad against the ‘infidels’ and ‘Crusaders’ in the West.

    But ever since Hamas took full control of the Gaza Strip in mid-June, it has been out to clean up its image and prove to the world that it is possible to do business with the movement. Hamas leaders are now openly calling on the international community to give them a chance to prove that the movement can be a worthy partner in any future settlement to the Israeli-Arab conflict.

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    To this end, Hamas leaders kept stressing that the main motivation behind June’s coup against Fatah was to end the lawlessness and anarchy in Gaza. However, it was well aware that it was not enough to direct traffic and to crack down on drug dealers and armed gangsters. That’s why Hamas wanted something ‘big’ that would impress the global community and boost its credibility. A day after Hamas assumed control of the Gaza Strip, its leaders issued a warning to the captors of BBC reporter Alan Johnston to release him unconditionally and instantly. Hamas leaders were aware of the fact that a picture with the freed British reporter would improve their image in the West and send out a message that Hamas can deliver. They also knew that his release would serve to undermine the credibility of their rival secular Fatah party. Before fleeing the Gaza Strip, Fatah leaders tried to negotiate a settlement with Johnston’s captors, but to no avail.

    Moreover, Fatah’s multiple security services and militias, including preventive security, military intelligence and general intelligence, failed to act against the kidnappers, whose identity was known to many. Hamas’s success in freeing the British reporter may not help the movement in the short-term because there is no chance that the international community will rush to embrace the Islamic movement. But some British and European politicians have already hailed Hamas’s role in freeing Johnston, with some going as far as calling on their governments to recognise Hamas and negotiate with its leaders.

    Even some Israelis are now talking openly about the need to talk to Hamas because it has demonstrated its ability to impose law and order in the areas under its control. Hamas is hoping that the release of Johnston is just the first step toward winning international recognition. As one Hamas official put it: “Now the world knows who the boss is in the Gaza Strip.” Yet Hamas’s messages are directed not only to the international community, but toward the rival Fatah faction and the Palestinians in the West Bank as well.

    The release of the reporter is also intended to send a message to the Palestinians in the West Bank that contrary to what Fatah leaders are telling them, Hamas is capable of imposing law and order. Johnston’s release is also undoubtedly a severe blow to the credibility of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and his corruption-riddled and disunited Fatah party, who have yet to explain why they had failed where Hamas succeeded. Fatah leaders were quick to announce that the whole affair was a ploy. Some claimed that Hamas was one of the parties responsible for the kidnapping of Schalit, while others said Hamas had paid the captors millions of dollars. Yasser Abed Rabbo, a senior advisor to Abbas, described the release of Johnston as a “movie.”

    The Gaza Strip has been relatively quiet since the Hamas takeover; drivers are even afraid to go through a red light. Earlier this week, in the context of its efforts to show that Hamas can deliver, Hamas militiamen managed to free a lioness that had been stolen from a local zoo two years ago. The lioness, named Sabrina, was stolen by members of a notorious clan in Gaza City and kept as a pet in their garden. Abbas’s security forces never took action against the thieves, whose identity was known to all.

    Many powerful clans have handed over their weapons to Hamas and Palestinians say they no longer see armed gangs on the streets. The Dughmush clan, whose members were responsible for the kidnapping of Johnston, was the last bastion to succumb to Hamas. In contrast, scenes of lawlessness and anarchy are still part of daily life in the West Bank. Abbas’s decision to outlaw armed militias has fallen on deaf ears as many Fatah gunmen continue to patrol the streets and to intimidate the public.

    In a bid to undermine Hamas’s credibility, Abbas this week accused the movement of bringing al-Qaeda into Palestinian territories. The allegation was aimed at putting Hamas on equal footing with the arch-terrorist organisation and frightening the West about dealing with Hamas. But the Hamas spokesmen were quick to deny the charges and to challenge Abbas to provide evidence for his claim.

    Hamas leaders are confident that it’s only a matter of time before the international community realises that the Islamic movement is the only address in the Gaza Strip. After the release of Johnston and Sabrina, Hamas is now hoping to strike a deal with Israel about the kidnapped Israeli soldier Gilad Schalit. Hamas hopes that a prisoner exchange with Israel would further boost its popularity in the Palestinian street and convince the US and EU that the movement is a serious and reliable partner.

    The writer is former diplomatic editor of the London ‘Observer’

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