Narendra Modi has altered the politics of Gujarat more fundamentally than it has been thought of. And it goes beyond Hindutva, which is a settled issue now. Confident of support, Modi’s Hindu personality is now understated. Instead, he has expanded his wings to restructure government and politics in the state in such a fashion that he knows best how to negotiate it.

First, he broke the traditional patronage network of his own party, the BJP. Through the 1970s and ‘80s, the Congress built the KHAM — Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi, Muslim — social alliance in the state, leaving out the Patels, who were economically powerful, mobile and identity-conscious. The BJP’s emergence as the biggest party in the state was with Patels at its nucleus, surrounded by segments from all castes, including tribals. It helped the BJP that numerous religious cults in the state created a Hindu consciousness in the state that became the superstructure for the party. With the replacement of Keshubhai Patel by Modi in 2001 October, Patels began to lose the huge leverage that they had on state power. In trading and enterprises such as diamond polishing and small manufacturing, Patels are very influential and an economic class they have been with the BJP. In return, they tried to further their economic interests. But Modi’s administrative measures and his management of the party dismantled this mechanism — the electricity act amendment and its impact on the community is a stark example. The losers will oppose Modi.

That does not necessarily make Modi a loser. Modi unveiled a vision for Gujarat that is centered on huge industrial and power projects, SEZs, ports, shipbuilding and refineries. New MoUs and investments are announced every other day and the big capital in general is bullish on Gujarat. Modi says 25 lakhs new jobs will be created by all these investments. Gujarat already has a formidable urban middle class, with 38 per cent of the population classified as urban. Modi is upgrading the middle class dreams — illustrated vividly in the English language drive. Government is sensitive to their aspirations and demands — for instance, government measures seek to keep edible oil prices low. There is a reason why Saurashtra Oil Millers Association (SOMA) has declared support for BJP rebels. This new middle class is a potent political constituency that cuts across castes. “In a single family of Patels, one brother could be a farmer, another an engineer and yet another an NRI. The farmer may have turned against Modi, but the engineer can very well be a Modi-supporter. The NRI would want Modi to be acceptable to the Americans also,” explains Achyut Yagnik, a political commentator.

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