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This is an archive article published on May 18, 2010
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Opinion From sea to shining sea

Prioritise reviving a shared identity for the Indian Ocean...

May 18, 2010 01:50 AM IST First published on: May 18, 2010 at 01:50 AM IST

Jawaharlal Nehru’s gallant endeavour to establish a pan-Asian identity through the Asian Relations Conference in March 1947 proved futile for a number of reasons,of which prime was the firm resolve of Mao Tse Tung to arrogate for China the mantle of Asian leadership. In the six decades since then,India has persevered with other initiatives to create South Asian and Indian Ocean Region (IOR) identities. Unfortunately these initiatives have languished.

The Indian Navy (IN) has always fancied itself as a trail blazer in the limited context of maritime diplomacy. The far-reaching impact of its commendable 2004 tsunami relief effort led to the creation,in Naval HQ,of a full-fledged Directorate of Foreign Cooperation. China’s farsighted maritime agenda has lent urgency to this directorate’s plans for strengthening ties with our Indian Ocean neighbourhood. However,this effort is not always matched by the Ministry of External Affairs,or even supported by the Ministry Defence.

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In a laudable step in early 2008,our navy launched a biennial Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) initiative in New Delhi,essentially aimed at enhancing maritime cooperation among the navies of the littoral states of the IOR. The maiden gathering attracted 31 chiefs of regional navies,and was addressed by the prime minister as well as the president. Significantly,neither the external affairs minister nor the foreign secretary attended.

Over the past two years,the IN has been engaged in steadily fortifying the IONS structure and implementing diverse aspects of its charter. On May 10,2010,at a ceremony in Abu Dhabi,attended by the chiefs of 27 navies,Admiral Nirmal Verma,the chief of naval staff,handed over the chairmanship of IONS to the UAE’s navy chief,Brigadier Ibrahim al-Musharrakh.

The 27 navies represented at IONS-II ranged from tiny IOR navies like Seychelles,Comoros and the Maldives,to the UK and the US; the latter,perhaps,claiming émigré status. By a unique happenstance,the Iranian Navy’s delegation,led by its chief,were sitting in close proximity of senior officers of the US Navy. That the Pakistan Navy was represented by an air force officer was perhaps another unsubtle message; in 2008 Islamabad had declined repeated entreaties to participate.

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Even as the UAE Navy steers the IONS agenda with vigour over the next two years,the waters ahead are full of hazards which will require adroit navigation. A major challenge before the IONS arises from the fact that the Indian Ocean is not recognised as a geopolitical entity — due to historical amnesia amongst people of this region of their rich and ancient seafaring heritage that has carried religions,languages and traditions across

the seas.

It is also attributable to the post-WW II reordering of the world by the US,which saw the division of this region into areas of responsibility allocated to its military combatant commands. In this construct,the IOR simply does not exist,because it has been neatly apportioned between the US’s Pacific,Central and Africa Commands. The IONS must prioritise the creation of an “Indian Ocean identity” or brand name.

Bearing in mind that most members of the IONS are small navies with limited capabilities,there is a strong temptation to seek extra-regional solutions to in-house problems. This has the potential to derail it,because some may see an inherent conflict between regional cohesion and extra-regional approaches. During IONS-II the US,UK and France showed concern about and offered assistance to combat threats to shipping lanes and energy supplies from violent non-state entities. Apart from the US 5th Fleet,headquartered in Bahrain,there are currently three US-sponsored multi-national task forces patrolling the northern Arabian Sea,the Persian Gulf and the Horn of Africa.

France,an IOR power by virtue of its island possessions,has a standing Indian Ocean naval force,headed by a rear admiral,based on Reunion Island. Australia,one of the larger and more influential IONS members,faces a difficult existential dilemma. PM Kevin Rudd has been energetically mooting his vision of an Asia-Pacific Community (APC) to deal with security,economic and resource challenges,and it is likely that an east-oriented APC could contra indicate a west-facing IONS initiative.

China has ominously declared its readiness “to share responsibility for the Indian Ocean with the US”,and Robert Kaplan,in a recent article,makes an intriguing forecast: “…precisely because India and China are emphasising their sea power,the job of managing their peaceful rise will fall on the US Navy.”

India’s endeavours to bind the region together as a geostrategic entity in order to keep it free of tension and conflict are bound to encounter centrifugal forces at work trying to prevent regional cohesion. In this context,navies can be useful instruments of state policy; provided they are part of a larger vision,and supported by diplomats and civil servants at home.

The writer,a former Chief of the Naval Staff,is currently Chairman of the National Maritime Foundation. express@expressindia.com

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