Five hundred and forty-five million mobile phones. 665 million people defecating in the open (the Chinese figure is 37 million). Courtesy,United Nations University,these numbers have grabbed headlines. We have had a total sanitation campaign (TSC) since 1999,with subsidies to rural poor households for constructing individual household toilets,community sanitary complexes in villages (costs borne 60 per cent by Centre,20 per cent by states and 20 per cent by beneficiaries),Anganwadi toilets,toilet improvements in schools and Nirmal Gram Puraskar awards. It is not as if toilets havent been built under TSC; the percentage of rural poor with access to sanitation has improved. (That 665 million figure is probably lower now.) For individual toilets,other than cash incentives,some states have experimented with providing foodgrains as additional incentives for use. It is a separate matter that in some states,these new toilets are used for storing grain,not for defecation. To some extent,sanitation is indeed a rural problem. Some villages are so small and distant that they are not viable for providing any social or physical infrastructure. But with urban slums,it is not quite the case that open defecation is exclusively a rural problem. 17 per cent of urban India is estimated to defecate in the open.
In 1999,when TSC was launched,the timeline for ending open defecation was 2010. We are nowhere near that. Mobile phones might touch 1 billion in 2020. Will we end open defecation by 2020? That seems unlikely. At best,the number will drop to something like 75 million. A limited question can be asked: what can be done to improve sanitation,sewage treatment and access to clean drinking water? But there is a broader question about health outcomes. MDGs (Millennium Development Goals) arent just eight goals,there are targets and indicators too. Most of these concern health. If one tracks Indias progress towards goals,targets and indicators,we are broadly on track for the non-health lot,but significantly off-track for almost everything connected with health. By 2020,the infant mortality rate will not be remarkably below 35 per thousand,still inordinately high. A question used to be asked a few years ago. Why is post-reform India not showing improvements in social sector indicators? Why are improvements in HDI (Human Development Index) based entirely on income growth?
There are inter-state and intra-state variations. However,that earlier question is unlikely to be asked now. There has been a sharp increase in school enrolments,particularly for primary school. We should ask why improvements in educational indicators have not been matched by improvements in health indicators. This is true of supply-side improvements,as well as demand. Understandably,health outcomes are more complicated than trickle-down benefits of growth leading to reductions in poverty,or even targeting school enrolment through SSA (Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan) and midday meals. And perhaps there is some hierarchy of needs at work too.
We know what needs to be done. The Ministry of Health and Family Welfare informs us that since 1946,there have been 21 commissions and committees directly connected with health several more if one counts those indirectly connected. Admittedly,there are sometimes differences across recommendations on the extent to which private entry,competition and choice are allowed. But in the context of the public health service,consider the following quote. The following questions seem,at the outset,to require an answer: (1) Whether the service should be free or paid for by the recipient: if the latter,whether it should be a graded scale of payment so as to suit the level of the patients income and whether such payment should be made for each occasion when service is rendered or through some form of sickness insurance; (2) Whether our scheme should be based on a full-time salaried service of doctors or on private practitioners resident in each local area or settled there on a subsidy basis; (3)Whether,in either case,some measure of choice can be given to the patient as regards his doctor.
This isnt something the Planning Commission or Department of Economic Affairs (DEA) has produced now. It was written by the Health Survey and Development Committee,better known as the Bhore Committee,in 1946. It is not that there havent been instances of reform. HS-PROD (Health Sector Policy Reform Options Database) lists some isolated instances.
Despite the agenda of health sector reforms being known,why have necessary reforms stagnated?
First,there is an impression reforms are system-driven. Irrespective of that ideal,reforms have never been system-driven. They have been individual-driven and health ministers since 1991 have not been noted for leaving their marks. Stated differently,the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare has not been perceived to be an important ministry. It has typically been a ministry where ministers have been accommodated for political reasons,in sharp contrast to economic ministries proper,or ministries connected with infrastructure. Second,even if ministerial performance has been lackadaisical,health sector reforms might have been triggered had the push come from elsewhere the DEA,the Planning Commission or the PMO. But health economics is imperfectly understood and imperfectly researched,compared,say,to education. Consequently,though one has to be careful about generalisations,in none of those three channels has health received the importance it should have. The DEAs Economic Survey is a case in point. Its discussions of social sectors are limited,reflective of historical biases. But to the extent there are such discussions,they have a greater emphasis on education than on health. In the course of the Ninth and Tenth Plans,the Planning Commission undertook several studies on education and skills. Health was relatively ignored. It has been no different for the PMO. Has there been anything comparable to the National Knowledge Commission? The proposed Right to Food may be indicative of a change in mindsets.
Third,the pay-off periods for health outcomes are longer than for education and do not necessarily fit neatly into political-cum-electoral cycles. Improvements in health outcomes also seem to be a trifle more distant than improvements in educational outcomes. This is not a Central issue alone,but also affects states,which is where the blunting edge of health reforms really is. Donor involvement has also tended to place an emphasis on improving governance,rather than the narrower domain of health. But perhaps the demand shift is coming.
The writer is a Delhi-based economist express@expressindia.com