Idea of development battles fear and favour caste in stone

If the general improvement in law and order and the building of roads are what the government will showcase as its development record,Nitish Kumar’s performance will also be tested by his ability to hold on to the political “coalition of extremes” that the chief minister himself claims to have forged: a euphemism for the perceived coming together behind the JD(U)-BJP of upper castes like Rajputs and Bhumihars with backward castes,especially the Extremely Backward Castes (EBCs),in the election Lalu lost.

DALIT V MAHADALIT MULTIPLE TENSIONS IN NITISH’S COALITION OF EXTREMES

To get a glimpse of the jostling that has been inaugurated at the lower extreme of this coalition,and the building backlash at its upper end,come to the Mahadalit-majority Palanga village in Phulwarisharif block on Patna’s fringe,and to the Rajput tola,or cluster,in a village called Rewari in district Saran.

Palanga,where about 60 homes are of Musahars and nearly 40 of the Paswans,has seen a new line drawn between its two communities. This is ever since the Nitish government renamed 21 of the state’s 22 Dalit groups as ‘Mahadalit’,including Musahars,who rank at the bottom of any scale,but leaving out Paswans.

Initially,four Dalit groups were left out of the new category — the two most numerous and politically co-opted groups,Paswans and Jatavs,and the two groups that perform better on social indicators than the rest,Dhobis and Pasis. Later the Dhobis,Pasis and Jatavs were also brought into the Mahadalit list. Both the inclusion of these groups and the exclusion of Paswans are seen to be driven by political considerations.

A slew of government schemes has been announced for the Mahadalits. In election year,the government has also spoken of extending Mahadalit benefits to Paswans. But in Palanga,the new divide has been etched on the ground. The half-paved lane that goes into the village has been repaired only till the rough point where Musahar homes end and the Paswan cluster begins.

“The Mahadalit strategy is politically motivated”,says old Sharifa Manjhi,a Musahar,and member of the CPI(ML),which has assiduously built up a base in his community. “There is maha-loot in the name of the Mahadalit,” he says.

“For us,there is no difference between Lalu raj and Nitish raj. We labour under the same burden. Everyone here is equally poor”,says Dangiya Devi.

But Phulwanti Devi,a Paswan,disagrees vehemently. “There is no fund for Paswans,only for the Mahadalits” she insists. “They get homes,while we get nothing”,she says.

In Palanga,where no one owns land,and everyone,Paswan as well as Musahar,is dependent on erratic daily wage labour — NREGA is a debacle all over Bihar and even the government’s Economic Survey 2009-10 admits that only 1.22 per cent of total households in employment were provided with 100 days’ work up to Oct 2009 — the fight is also over the colour of the BPL Antyodaya card.

Paswans allege that the yellow card by which wheat can be bought at Rs 2.65 a kg is being doled out to Mahadalits,while they must buy wheat for Rs 5.55 a kg on the red card.

“Only 2 per cent of BPL families get yellow cards,not even all Musahars get them”,says KP Ramaiah,secretary of the state’s Mahadalit Commission set up in 2007. But at ground level,allegations of discrimination hold sway.

THE BATAIDARI SCARE PRIMEVAL FEARS GET NEW TRIGGER

For the view from the other end of Nitish Kumar’s “coalition of extremes”,listen to the Rajput landowners of village Rewari. Here,the spreading scare over the government’s intention on land reform could well mean a large-scale desertion by upper castes from the JD(U)-BJP.

The current controversy centres on the recommendations,in fact one recommendation,of the Bihar Land Reforms Commission (2006-2008) set up under the chairmanship of D Bandyopadhyaya,formerly land reforms commissioner of West Bengal. The commission urges legal recognition to bataidars or tillers. It says: “…the Bihar Tenancy Act did not recognise the vast mass of cultivators commonly known as bataidars through whom 30 to 40 per cent of arable land in Bihar is getting cultivated. Hence it is immediately necessary to recognise this category as a legal entity and give them protection regarding fixity of tenure,fairness of sharing of crop,prevention of illegal ejectments and other economic oppressions from which they suffer”.

But in villages across the state,the word has spread that the ‘bataidari law’ will eventually give land to the tiller. Nitish Kumar’s clarifications in the Assembly,his government’s decision to put the entire land reforms report on the back burner,and now his strategy of silence on the issue,have failed to stanch a primeval fear.

In Patna,speculation is rife that Nitish gambled on a backward caste consolidation by bringing up the subject of land reforms,but underestimated the upper caste backlash.

In Rewari,as in other places,the scare has meant that several landowners have evicted the tiller,or are preparing to do so. “I have already done it”,claims Paras Nath Singh. “For us,our land is everything,what will we do if it goes?” asks Nagender Singh.

According to former mukhiya Satyendra Singh,“Law and order is better under Nitish. Roads are being built in the district. The Yadavs are not allowed to run amok anymore. That’s why we voted for Nitish last time. But now we have all decided to vote for Lalu on the bataidari issue. Unless,that is,Rahul can create a wave for the Congress…”

It is evident,however,that more than the bataidari proposal worries the former mukhiya. “In our panchayat,the mukhiya’s seat has been reserved for a Harijan woman. Nitish has tried to break the dominance of Yadavs and Rajputs in the village by reserving 20 per cent seats for EBCs and 50 per cent for women. How can they run the show?” he asks.

The resentment of the Rajputs of Rewari may only be a freeze-frame of the discontent at the upper end of Nitish Kumar’s coalition of extremes,especially in the villages. The bataidari scare is only its latest trigger.