The current Lok Sabha elections may well usher in Mayawati as India’s first Dalit prime minister. The odds are low. But each one of the four BSP-led governments in Uttar Pradesh — in 1995, 1997, 2002 and 2007 — belied the odds. A fragmented electoral verdict and the logic of coalition politics may well produce a surprising outcome again.

The significance of Mayawati as a potential prime minister is not just that she happens to be Dalit — but that she has built a mass political base by openly presenting herself as being of and for Dalits. Simultaneously, she has presented herself as an advocate for all minorities based on caste or religion. Recognising that Dalit votes would not be sufficient to bring it to victory, the BSP’s initial effort was to mobilise the “Bahujan” — a term it defined as a rainbow coalition of minorities that collectively make up a majority, including all social groups except the three Hindu upper castes (Brahmins, Thakurs and Banias). The minorities it has courted most consistently in addition to Dalits have been the backward castes. Less consistently, it has sought the support of Muslims. In the last 10 years, and with great profit, the party has been pursuing Brahmins and other upper castes, replacing the target constituency of “Bahujan” with the new category of “Sarvjan”. Nevertheless, it has not given up the mantle of being a spokesperson for minorities. Although many of the upper castes who have been given tickets to represent the BSP are decidedly privileged, the party promises to advocate for the interests of “weaker sections” among the upper castes.

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