• Given that Germany will take over as chair of the Nuclear Suppliers Group next year when the exemption for India is likely to be debated, can you shed some light on how your position is evolving?

I cannot imagine that the NSG discussions would fail because of Germany. We still don’t know what will be the concrete outcome of the talks between India and the US on the 123 agreement and with the IAEA on the safeguards agreement. All we now have is the Hyde Act which is actually an authorisation to enter into specific negotiations with India. So, we will just have to wait. But Chancellor Merkel has expressed her appreciation of energy needs for India and recognises that energy mix will contain nuclear energy.

• What would Germany’s parameters be for a nuclear deal with India?

At the first instance, this will be an agreement for peaceful uses of nuclear energy with an underlined special interest in preserving the integrity of the international non-proliferation system... and that it doesn’t contain double standards.

• There have been these concerns voiced in the context of the Iran nuclear issue. Some have dragged the India deal into this. Does Germany see merit in this comparison?

When this (Indo-US nuclear) deal was announced, our foreign minister had voiced concern that it may send the wrong message. It was a relevant concern, even though it is not possible to compare Iran with India. India has never signed the NPT, while Iran has. So, it is not double standards in terms of international law.

• The key element of the nuclear deal is that it allows India to retain its strategic programme. So while you endorse the cooperation for peaceful purposes, do you recognise India’s weapons programme?

Germany is not an illusionist. We appreciate that India has a policy of minimum credible deterrent with commitment to no first use. We appreciate that India has unilaterally decided not to conduct more tests and we would hope that it turns this into a multilateral obligation by signing the CTBT.

• So, does that mean you recognise India’s strategic programme?

Yes, India has a programme... we have to live with that fact. It doesn’t mean that we recognise it.

• We hear that Germany is keen to revive the EU Constitution project. Can you explain the significance as many feel EU should focus more on institutional reforms to strengthen economic engagement?

The EU has been such a big success, but decision-making is now difficult with the number of members increasing. We would like to have a team presidency for 18 months rather than for six months. The main task of the German presidency is to unlock the deadlock over the constitution. What Chancellor Merkel will try to do is develop a roadmap for an agreement.

• Germany is one of the few countries that India still accepts official development assistance from. Is India’s growth story likely to change the situation?

It makes us proud that Germany is still considered by India as a relevant and important partner in its development. India is an emerging country now — it’s highly developed in parts as well as underdeveloped in some parts of the country. Germany wants to assist India in overcoming these gaps. Even in cities, provision of basic public goods like education, healthcare and vocational training is a problem.

• Some members of the German Parliament have written to the chancellor demanding that Germany withdraw development assistance to the fast-growing economies of India and China? How did the government react?

The government’s position has been the same — we are committed to the Millennium Development Goals. It’s not about money any longer, but more about technical help in areas like infrastructure.

• The quest for a permanent seat in the UNSC is a unique example of a high-level joint diplomatic endeavour by both India and Germany. It seems to have suddenly lost sheen.

No, the G-4 (India, Brazil, Germany and Japan) resolution is still alive. The process will go on... look, I don’t see in the long run how a country with one of the largest populations in the world, a democracy and one of the largest contributors to the UN Peacekeeping force do not play a major role in the world by taking more responsibility in the UN.