Thank you.

• You are young, maulana, and you represent one of the most liberal streams of Islam. You have so much of work pressure but people do not understand that. People do not understand that your party was responsible for the resistance in Nandigram in West Bengal. Sadiqullah belongs to your party.

He’s the state general-secretary of the party and the state unit took the lead on the issue.Whenever such issues have come up, Jamiat Ulama has a history of taking on a leadership role. Jamiat Ulama played a leading role even in the freedom struggle. Jamiat was formed in 1919 and in our first meeting we took a resolution on attaining complete freedom.

• So you were even a step ahead of the Congress?

The Congress used to talk only about internal independence, but at that time Jamiat demanded complete independence.

• And even during the time of Partition, your party was against Partition?

This was the only Muslim organisation making such a demand and Maulana Asad Madani, my father, made such a demand not for political reasons but on the basis of religion. He said our religion does not allow us to divide people on the basis of religion.

• The booklet carrying your father’s sermons says that one should love his country first.

I am a Muslim and if I love my country then it is so because I am a Muslim. If a person is not a real Muslim then we can get suspicious whether he is a friend of the country or not. Those who practise religion can never be enemies of the country because our religion teaches us to love our country.

• But now some people are saying that those who led in Nandigram did so because they got support from the US. So now there is an allegation that you are friends with America.

Here, he (Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee) is not just a chief minister but a dictator as well. So when he saw such a big obstruction he started accusing people without any evidence. During George Bush’s visit to India we had staged a demonstration which nobody did in the country. Even Bardhan Sahab had participated in that. So when we opposed Bush’s visit to India, we did so because we were his (Buddhadeb’s) friends!

• So you are against Bush and America?

Yes. We can never be friends and we don’t have to give explanations for this. We are also against India’s foreign affairs policy. The policy is against India’s identity.

• But Bengal says that Sadiqullah met some high officials from the US administration, who directed Sadiqullah to take this step.

That’s their version. People from different backgrounds visit us. We never say no to anybody. We are even ready to meet Buddhadebji.

• So you must have read about this new development: Bengal claims it is a conspiracy. They say it’s an Islamic-American alliance, or rather, a Jamiat-American alliance.

This is the thinking of the communists. This is so because they are realising that nothing is in their hands and they are feeling helpless. And this is not a Muslim issue in Nandigram, it’s a public issue. And the Bengal government has been defeated as it could not achieve what it wanted. And in future too it will be defeated if it does not change its attitude. If they change their attitude, we will be their best friends.

• But not many people know that Bardhanji participated in the demonstration which you staged against Bush’s visit to India.

It was covered by media. Everybody watched it. Last week, in an interview a journalist was mentioning that I have been friends with communists. And that, together with Bardhanji and other communists, I had staged a demonstration. I said we didn’t do a combined demonstration. He participated in it, and also addressed us.

• So for you it’s a tough choice. On the one hand you have America and on the other you have communists.

No, we don’t share any relation with America. And neither do we intend to keep one. We just stress on the fact that the public should not suffer.

• But it’s a big thing that Buddhabedji visited you, and he came because he is troubled by your party. But when he came to you, what did he say?

He did not talk much on the main issue. He said he had done a lot for the minorities. He also said that if some other party comes to power in West Bengal, then things would go haywire. But a new party coming to power in the states is nothing new. It happens all over India. We are not bothered with whatever party comes to power. But if some good work has been done by Buddhadebji or by Jyoti Basuji, it is not counted as their obligation. It is a fact that the condition of Muslims is the worst in West Bengal, be it socially, economically or educationally. Nowhere in the country is the condition of Muslims so bad as in West Bengal.

• Are you serious in saying this?

Yes, I am very serious. And in spite of this we never wish that his government is voted out of power.

• Why so?

Because when it comes to communal harmony, we do not put them on the same platform as some other parties.

• For example, the BJP.

Yes.

• But Mamata is an ally of the BJP?

So we can never accept her.

• You don’t see any difference between Mamata and the BJP?

Because Mamata is an ally of the BJP, we cannot talk or discuss anything with her. And we are not a political organisation.

• But you are a Member of Parliament?

That’s another point. But Buddhadebji’s attitude and the way he wants to rule . . . During Jyoti Basu’s time we never had any major conflict. Jamiat had organised a big rally for the protection of madrasas, which I had also attended. We passed a resolution against the W. Bengal Government and even Biman Basu participated in that rally.

• So did you tell Buddhadebji that the condition of Muslims was so bad in his state?

He said that Sachar has not included certain points and we are trying to incorporate those points. So he started finding faults with the Sachar Committee.

• Do you follow the Sachar Committee report or you go on your own report?

We have our own report also. And that shows our condition to be worse than what Sachar Committee report has to say.

• But why so? But CPM is secular. Then why is the condition of Muslims in Bengal so bad?

It’s very difficult to answer this question. We follow the middle path.

• But spiritually you are Deobandi?

Basically, the Deoband school of thought follows the middle path.

• But a new reputation has come up that Deobandis are extremists, they are Taliban.

This has been projected by the Taliban. This is their regional conflict.

• Do you consider the Taliban to be Deobandis.

They claim they are Deobandis. And we cannot go against their claims.

• But does the work done by them come under Deobandi ideology?

This is a matter related to their region.

• Did they come up with any resolution for a reconciliation on this topic?

They said we can discuss the matter. I agreed with that. But Jamiat is leading a group of 29 organisations and most of them are non-Muslims. We have to discuss the matter with each organisation.

• But Jamiat, BJP, Mamata Bannerjee and Naxalites — all have a mixture of ideologies.

These parties are following their own way of fighting for an issue. That’s why we don’t have any alliance with BJP or Mamata. All these 29 non-political organisations have come together and they are fighting for a cause.

• But you are ready to talk?

Yes. The best way to solve all problems is to talk. I have had a talk with him here, and if needed I can go to West Bengal also.

• So you are going there?

At the moment it has not been decided. First, we will hold talk amongst ourselves.

• Did Buddhadebji express regret for whatever happened in Nandigram?

Yes. He also took the responsibility for the incident.

• Did you feel that there has been a change of heart in him?

I don’t know about that. But he’s surely under external pressure.

• Did you ask him why he is accusing you of being an American agent?

His statement calling the Jamiat a terrorist and a fundamentalist organisation was published a few days back. And anyone who’s aware of Jamiat’s history would have never done so. So our members questioned him (Buddhadebji) why Biman Basu visits us and why he sends messages to us if we were terrorists and fundamentalists. In response, he said he did not know about it and was wrongly quoted. We said that in such a case you should have contradicted the statement.

• What do you dislike the most, being called an American agent or a fundamentalist?

We feel bad when we are linked with the terrorists. In fact, I do not mind being called a fundamentalist. Rather, I feel proud that I am attached to the roots.

• Your fundamentalism is of a different kind.

Yes, for us it’s a case of tolerance. According to the Quran, you follow your own path and I will follow my own path. It talks about a society where we don’t fight over this issue.

• When I read your father’s speeches, the collection of which will be released by the Prime Minister, it talks mostly about education.

Yes, our basic aim is to impart education.

• But another central point is that if we look at our country’s situation at the moment, especially in Bengal, where we have small holdings and all areas are over populated, then we don’t have any other option except for industrialisation.

Nowhere do we have any other option except for industrialisation. We need industries. But for setting up industries, will you kill our men? Keeping the public in view, we should chalk out a middle path.

• So if the public was persuaded in Nandigram, then we could have had industries there also?

Yes, we should follow a proper procedure, along with a proper rehabilitation project.

• Can you suggest a way of proper rehabilitation in a place like Nandigram?

The people of the area where you are setting up a project should be taken into confidence. And once the talks begin, a special kind of relationship develops, in which you respect each other’s demands. But if somebody doesn’t listen to you then make him a partner in the project. I don’t oppose SEZs on any ideological ground. But there should be some changes in the SEZ policy, especially in the Land Acquisition Act. And I also agree with

Sitaram Yechury that the government should first take up government industrial areas, ones where industries have been shut down. Then they should acquire wasteland, and the option of going to the farmers is always there.

• But there is hardly any wasteland in West Bengal. If the government goes to the people once again . . .

At the moment I can’t say anything about Nandigram till we talk to everyone there. We don’t oppose SEZs on the basis of any ideology. I’m not against industrialisation. But it shouldn’t be done by force. There was a time when, in terms of industrialisation, West Bengal was in the top slot. But the Left ruined everything. They shut down all the industries. And now they want to revive industries. That’s something really good. I congratulate them for this. But they are still trying to follow the Hitler way of working, which is not good.

• After the talks do you think they have learnt a lesson?

I can’t say that. But they were reasonable while talking. But the CPM cadre in Bengal is still harassing our people there. For example, in madrasas and schools. They are threatening our activists in villages. Harassment and talks cannot go hand in hand.

• Did you tell him about this?

I received this information after the talks. I will talk to Yechuryji about this. But I told him that your people are threatening to kill us.

• Didn’t he tell you that your workers also used weapons.

When did we use weapons? This is an allegation. We used the biggest weapon given to us by democracy. The weapon to bring about a revolution, which was used even by Gandhiji.

• But he says that you removed all their party workers, and now they are staging dharna to be sent back.

This is not true. In fact rapes were committed by CPM workers. But I won’t say much in public now. I don’t want to indulge in a blame-game. They are accusing us to only to save their face.

• There is a lot of confusion in the media about Jamiat’s identity. Some consider you a Naxalite, some consider you a Taliban, some consider you an American. So there is ignorance.

Apart from ignorance, it’s also according to convenience. He understands everything but he tries to make the people understand according to need of his story.

• But while going through your organisation’s literature and your father’s book I found they mention about a great India and her great qualities. Such an aggressive nationalism is not very common.

It’s not so much found even in non-Muslims. My grandfather stressed on composite nationalism on the basis of the Quran. He even wrote a book on composite nationalism and Islam.

• Yeah, I have read that book. And you had strongly opposed the idea of Partition.

We are just against dividing people on the basis of religion.

• And you think that Muslims of the subcontinent have suffered due to Partition.

Hindustan, Muslims, Hindus, the entire subcontinent has suffered due to Partition. We could have been a superpower.

• According to you, what will happen to India, Pakistan and Bangladesh in the next 15-20 years.

According to me, we should have a confederation with simple visa procedures. When Atalji was the prime minister, I got his permission and had called Maulana Fazlur Rahman, the chief of Pakistan Jamiat.

• Interestingly, some reporters mentioned your Jamiat as the Indian chapter of the Jamiat, which is actually the original.

Yes. But we don’t have any direct relation with them. Jamiat rules in the North West Frontier today. During independence, the Muslim League lost in the elections from there and Congress won. They wanted to be a part of India. Even today, they share the same ideology as of India only because the Jamiat and the Deobandi school of thought had a hold in the region. They were also against Partition. And till today they are paying for that. There is no development work done there as compared to other districts.

• And you will say that Muslims of India also have had to pay a price because they did not support the Muslim League during Partition.

Muslims who stayed back here always had an option of going to Pakistan. But instead of respecting them for staying back, they are treated as criminals. When we go out, we are called Hindi, Hindustani. But we are proud of it. I want to give a message to the new generation of this country. I want them to set up a new India where there is industrialisation, equality, education for all, modernisation, there is no discrimination on the basis of caste.

• You don’t support orthodoxy, and you don’t have anti-industrialisation ideology.

No. In fact, I support industrialisation. Without that we won’t be able to attain our target.

• Thank you for talking to us.

Thank you.