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This is an archive article published on May 30, 2009

Not ‘boring’ now

The UPA has been voted back in. But,as these columns have argued before,it needs to view this less as a second term and more as a second chance.

The UPA has been voted back in. But,as these columns have argued before,it needs to view this less as a second term and more as a second chance.

A course correction,taking into account the mandate,is what was needed; and,now that Manmohan Singh’s second council of ministers has been given its final shape,it might be permissible to hope that that is what we shall see. Consider surface transport. In UPA-1,the gains of the NDA years were frittered away by an underperforming ministry. Post-victory,the Congress and the DMK reportedly went eyeball-to-eyeball for the ministry; and now it’s gone to the energetic Kamal Nath. The story’s the same across previously underperforming ministries,especially in infrastructure — the focus of economic recovery plans,with large projects in the pipeline.

But one of the most encouraging signs is surely the political big guns of the Congress falling over each other to take over hitherto-“boring” social sector ministries. Health and family welfare has for too long been an afterthought ministry; but now it’s gone to party heavyweight Ghulam Nabi Azad. This reflects the massive amplification of its budget and its workload under UPA-I,following the rolling out of the National Rural Health Mission. Rural development,of course,is the home of the national coordination of the NREGA; it had a good man in charge last time round,but from Lalu’s RJD. This time it has gone to the architect of the Rajasthan assembly victory,C.P. Joshi — a man who served in the same portfolio at the state level when that state was pioneering famine relief. (An experience which means it wins laurels implementing the NREGA now.) And,of course,the one ministry that could be both social sector and infrastructural,human resources development,is the focus of all eyes: Kapil Sibal may not have much of an act to follow,but has a tremendous burden of expectation to bear as well.

This might mean something is changing in how we think of reform. The elitist mask that was hung on the reform process to scare voters has been well-and-truly seen through by the electorate. The party’s leaders are responding to that; it can be recognised now that the major targets for reform and pro-growth policies are India’s aspirational poor. That’s why reformers vie for unglamorous ministries,and why the future of reform and of the India story is looking ever more secure.

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