well as all fuel, etc. that has been generated as a result of using these plants, equipment, etc.

So, what “corrective measures”, what “appropriate measures” does the Indian government have in mind, the Senators repeatedly asked administration officials. That is for the Indian government to spell out, they said. But two things are clear, they said: India will place all its civilian reactors under safeguards in perpetuity, and without condition — otherwise there is no deal. The Senate Bill proceeds on this basis. Where does that leave the “sovereign right” to which the prime minister referred? If all that the prime minister meant was that we can always withdraw our reactors from IAEA safeguards and take the consequences, well we could do that without the deal too!

Another obfuscation nailed

There is a related obfuscation that spokesmen of the government have been trying to feed us — that, by acknowledging in the 18 July Joint Statement India as “a responsible State with advanced nuclear technology,” the US in effect recognised us as a Nuclear Weapon State. This insinuation was sought to be reinforced by the expression that followed: “India would reciprocally agree that it would be ready to assume the same responsibilities and practices and acquire the same benefits and advantages as other leading countries with advanced nuclear technology, such as the United States.” This was also given as the reason for the expression in the Separation Plan — namely, that India will “voluntarily” place two-thirds of its reactors under IAEA safeguards. That is how the Nuclear Weapon States place theirs, it was suggested.

... contd.