Another focal point of debate is likely to be the exceptionalising of India: however, since there has been a consensus already on such exceptionalisation in the IAEA, it is not likely to be a major stumbling block. Other issues such as a moratorium on the production of fissile material for weapons purposes are also likely to be raised, though India’s positive participation in the CD on the FMCT will be a point in its favour.

It needs to be noted that the NSG only issues guidelines: each participating state will decide, on the basis of its own export control laws, how it should implement the guidelines. To that extent, even if there is a clean waiver, India will have to negotiate with supplier countries on an individual basis, before commercial contracts can be signed for the import of reactors, technology or fuel.

The choice before the NSG should be clear; if the waiver is not acceptable to India, it would be free to go its own way. This would surely not be in the interest of the global non-proliferation regime. On the other hand, a clean waiver would make India a powerful partner in the struggle against proliferation and the efforts towards nuclear disarmament.

The writer is former ambassador of India to the United Nations in Geneva

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