Land acquisition is in the news again,and again for the wrong reasons. The agitation by Greater Noida farmers against forceful land acquisition without adequate compensation,and conferring huge benefits to corporates,has raised familiar issues. Optimising allocations of finite resources like land,mines,water and spectrum will remain challenging. Transparency on valuation and allocation need to reconcile conflicting objectives. A sensitive balance between maximising revenue,catalysing development,attracting private investment and so on,is needed.
So what should be the key features of an efficient land policy for India? International examples are not replicable. For one,the land-man ratio (between habitable area and the total population) is very adverse. India has 18 per cent of world population,but only 2 per cent of the geographic area. Forest area is also a mere 0.08 hectare per capita against a global average of 0.8. The increased pressure of population on land will lead to a decline in land availability from 0.9 hectare per capita in 1901 to under 0.2 not in the too distant future. Of the 20 largest countries in the world,India has the most unfavourable land-man ratio. Compound this with the other demographic challenge that population is young and will look to livelihood patterns outside agriculture reducing the 60 per cent population which currently live on farm-related activities. The fact that we need to create large manufacturing hubs for generating new employment opportunity compounds the problem. And we have a long way to go to improve the cost and quality of infrastructure power,road density,rural road connectivity and airports. Any land policy must be shaped under these compulsions,challenges and limitations. To be credible,they must be based on the following five considerations.
First,land must be priced more fairly whether acquired by the state or private players. Unfortunately the economics of the land market suffers from many deficiencies. High stamp duty,coupled with the practice of receiving substantial payments outside the banking system suppresses the official cost of land. The huge difference between the time when the intention of land acquisition is announced to its formal acquisition leads to huge cost differences. Besides the future value of land hardly gets reflected. Furthermore,population density,probabilities of economic growth and differences in governance patterns create wide variations in land price between states and regions. Not to mention serious delays in actual project implementation,given time and cost overruns. We therefore need to develop normative benchmarks for pricing land better given serious market imperfections and information asymmetry. While estimating the value of land,international practices like the special value principle adopted in Australia and the highest and best use method used in UK are worth considering.
Second,acquisition for public purpose must be closely defined. Acquisition by the state for highways,rural roads,power projects or airports are globally accepted. But these must involve the consensual participation of all stakeholders. What is more complex are public-private partnerships,or when the government acquires land for auctioning to private players. What proportion of the final price realised by the government or windfall gains of private contractors should be shared by farmers whose land is being acquired? In the proposed Land Acquisition Amendment Bill 2007,public purpose has been classified into three categories: strategic purposes,public infrastructure and projects useful for the general public. The Supreme Court in its 2010 judgment on the Yamuna Expressway project emphasised that so long as proper compensation is paid to the owners and the projects serve more than a small section of the populace,use of eminent domain power is justified.
In view of the persisting ambiguity,we need a clearer policy while defining public purpose. Needless to say,the price also needs to be realistic,giving a reasonable return to private promoters,otherwise investments would not be forthcoming. The opportunity cost of land is not easy to define because intangible factors like future value,disruption to social and cultural habits and alternative livelihood patterns cannot be captured in economic terms.
Third,while it is best to leave the land acquisition of private parties to their own negotiating skills,at what stage should the state be willing to help to prevent blackmail by few recalcitrant owners? Say if 70 or 80 per cent can be acquired by the private promoter,perhaps the last-mile acquisition can be helped by the state. The recent suggestion by the National Advisory Council (NAC) that all land should be acquired by the state,can protect small farmers from being outmanoeuvered by private entities. However,this places a huge obligation on the state to acquire land for private use. Would it be simpler if the acquisition is left to the private parties themselves while the state stipulates the compensation based on the formula finally arrived at?
Fourth,land acquisition leads to displacement of original residents. Guaranteeing employment and giving them a stake in the proposed project is certainly helpful. Suggesting alternative livelihood patterns which do not lead to alienation of their social and cultural habits would also help.
Finally India has a long way to go both to meet its infrastructure needs and for orderly urbanisation. Pressures on land will inevitably rise. Compulsions for development will need a sensible land acquisition policy which is not only humane but also facilitates rapid growth needed for improving life quality. Being either sentimental or mercenary cannot help. Solving the land riddle is central to our growth strategy.
The writer is a Rajya Sabha MP