Raman’s run through Bastar,’the road to government’

Last year,Singh got a 95-km Rowghat-BSP railway line cleared by the Centre; thefirst 17 km is likely to be commissioned by the year-end. The BSF has been roped in for security,but reaching Rowghat will be the real challenge.

Shouldn’t schools and health centres reach these areas before the miners do? “The Maoists created problems,but we are now confident of going inside most areas in the next four years,” he says.

Mining has little forward linkages; the government’s own documents say NMDC’s mining operations in Dantewada,the region with the largest iron ore deposit in the country,for decades rarely benefited the tribal district. “We are confident that the situation will change soon,” he insists,and admits “mining doesn’t help the local population. I am now insisting on plants that add value.”

The focus on industry and the relative neglect of tribals mark the nine years of Singh’s rule,success stories of which he is now showcasing on his yatra as he seeks a hat-trick. High growth,investor summits and a power-hub state coexist with the worst human development index among all states as the HD report of 2012 slams the government for ignoring tribals.

The yatra will pass through 81 of 90 assembly seats. The first phase through Bastar is over,without him addressing the basis of tribal discontent. Bastar often sees encounters that turn out to be fake. During a recent visit,the National Human Rights Commission asked the state to compensate the families of tribals whom police had killed because they were allegedly Maoists. Singh does not meet even one encounter victim’s family during his yatra,though he does meet that of journalist Nemichand Jain,whom Maoists killed in Sukma in February.

Bastar is an electoral riddle. Irrespective of reports about the tension in villages,people still vote BJP. Eleven of 12 seats in 2008 cemented Singh’s second term. “The road to the government goes through Bastar. That’s the faith people here have in me,” Singh says. “People in Delhi only make noises.”

Raman,the government

There may be no administration,school,or even PDS shop within miles,but Singh is a known name in interior Bastar,thanks to his Rs-1-a-kg rice and free salt. In several tribal villages,Dr Raman Singh is The Government. He has now passed the Food Security Act,too,and introduced protein security — chana at Rs 5 a kg.

The Congress often claims the UPA government spends Rs 22-23 per kg of rice and then sells it to states at Rs 3. If Chhattisgarh brings that down by only Rs 2,isn’t the credit the Centre’s? “If that’s the case,” Singh says,“why doesn’t the Congress do it in its states? It’s not about Rs 1. It’s about creating a mechanism that works. People call me ek rupaiya wala mukhyamantri. You won’t get a cheaper CM. I am happy people see me that way.”

He counts things he is distributing during his campaign: irrigation pumps,cycles,solar lamps,slippers,sewing machines,tool-kits. Indeed,efforts in Bastar appear to be mostly freebies. Except in parts of Dantewada where a few key education projects and a livelihood college have come up in the last two years,the government has given fish to tribals rather than taught them fishing,and provided free lunches rather than special training to develop livelihood-oriented skills. “Bastar remained off the radar for years,” he admits,but “we recently set up a university in Jagdalpur and the Bastar Development Authority and enacted the Right to Skill.”

He adds,“We have built roads in interior areas. Schemes are going on.” The Sukma-Konta national highway,the lifeline of Sukma,is a bumpy drive of four hours across 78 km. It is the CRPF that is providing medical care in areas that government health officers have failed to reach.

Electoral politics is not only about only development. He has begun using bits of the tribal languages Gondi and Halbi in his speeches. “I recently started learning a few phrases,and will pick up more as campaigning progresses,” he says. In Pakhanjur,a Bengali-majority area of Kanker district,he invokes Tagore. His half-hour speech is mostly about himself — as the party,the government,the administration. Unlike in 2008,there’s no Advani,Vajpayee or even any state minister; he seeks votes only for himself. “I am the chief minister,head of the administration,” he explains. “It’s my defeat or victory.”

That reflects his evolution from a reluctant politician 10 years ago. “I didn’t want to join politics. It was just a chance occurrence,” he admits. “When I became the CM,I was allergic to business papers. Now I have acquired a grip on all economic concepts. I am enjoying politics. Enjoy whatever you have.”

He is aware that Chhattisgarh,while sending just 11 MPs,is crucial in the national fight against Maoists,and that it is sitting over huge reserves of coal and iron. “The Centre knows it. They are after me,” he smiles.

The Congress has filed a complaint with the election commission that the Singh government is using administrative resources for an electoral campaign. “It has nothing to do with the party. We are talking only of the government and governance,” he says. On the ground,BJP men are working in coordination with his PR department. The yatra’s website has links to nitingadkari.org,narendramodi.in,lkadvani.in and bjp.org.

Maoist challenge

Besides neglect of tribals,the biggest criticism he faces is for not having a concrete strategy for Maoists. Top cops say he lives in a hope that the situation will resolve itself. In fact,during his Bastar tour,he has not spoken even once about a strategy for Maoists.

He says Maoist violence is decreasing and points out the yatra is passing through Bastar. That’s only through district and block headquarters; no politician goes campaigning beyond the roads. Opposing the yatra,Maoists have attacked police at least twice in a week,including on Sunday.

“Look,” the security man next to the CM says. Below are a few Maoist memorials between Bade Dongar and Chhote Dongar: huge red structures,clearly visible. As for basic services,even cops are yet to move inside.

“Everything will be resolved in the next four years,” Singh says and looks out. Underneath are hills,forests and villages adjoining Abujhmaad,the domain of Maoists.