The sense of crisis brewing across the nation now requires us to ask some graceless questions about political responsibility in the current government. In Kashmir,the government has irretrievably squandered an opportunity for real political progress; instead of hope,the stench of violence,intimidation and resentment again dominates the air. In the Northeast,the era of damaging blockades and political deadlocks is back. In Andhra Pradesh,the success of the Telangana Rashtra Samithi casts a shadow not just on the future of the state,but also on the ability of the Congress to sustain its momentum. Our neighbourhood is in disarray. Although the challenges posed by Pakistan are beyond the control of this government,its inability to swiftly take advantage of the propitious political circumstances in Bangladesh is sending disastrous signals: India is a power that cannot be respected. The modest gains that resulted from welfare outlays have long been dissipated by inflation. There is an odour of corruption and callous squandering of resources on so many fronts. Despite an opposition teetering on the brink of ideological and political bankruptcy,the government seems to be unable to muster confidence,resolve or far-sighted imagination.
There are many sources of discontent. But the structure of government is adding considerable fuel to the fire. A lot of attention has been focused on the fact that the prime minister has very little authority to deliver on any promises he makes. The elements of his larger vision for the region have much to recommend them. But there is not a single serious political promise on which he can deliver. Take a series of examples that have a direct bearing on the current crisis. The Muzaffarabad bus service,which was meant to lift a sense of siege in Kashmir,has backfired because its implementation makes it more a token gesture than a real promise. Bangladesh has taken great political risk to put momentum in the bilateral relationship. But the Indian government conveys no ability to settle outstanding issues. Indeed,most of our neighbours assume,not without justification,that the ability of government to negotiate even small concessions is almost non-existent. No wonder we are the object of contempt. Even Andhra was a case of the government not delivering what it promised,and then not having the courage to back off from a promise it did not want to deliver.
The prime minister had a vision of looking at Indias challenges through a lens that was larger than the narrow-minded and self-defeating vision of security specialists. But the opposite has happened. There has been virtually no movement on that single most visible symbol of the oppression and marginalisation of Indian citizens: the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. Instead,the prime ministers vision now lies buried under the dominance of a paranoid security state that may allow us to win small tactical battles against terrorists,but at the cost of making us feel more insecure and vulnerable at the hands of the state.
The promise of a liberal India is slowly dying. How much authority do you think the Indian state will carry,how will it be distinguished from two-bit authoritarian regimes,if its citizens have no privacy rights whatsoever,if BlackBerry,Facebook and mobile services are denied to millions of its citizens,if its visa policies get more draconian by the day? There is a need for intelligent security interventions. But the government gives an impression that is debilitating on two fronts. First,the securitisation of discourse signals that the state is weak,not strong; it is indiscriminate because it cannot improve. Second,it conveys the idea that the prime ministers dreams of a more humane and liberal Indian state have no political traction. His party and colleagues either dont understand,or dont care. This is just one example of the more general message: the central ideas the prime minister touts have no political backing; and what the real political powers think remains obscure. This prevents the government from taking any political risk that could bring long-term dividends.
Good politics is the art of conflict management; good politicians are masters at reconciling differences,inspiring trust. You often see the spectacle of the indefatigable Pranab Mukherjee fighting one fire after another. But it points to a deep problem the Congress has: it has no genuine politicians left. Sonia Gandhi has authority. But it has to be said that this is an authority studiously cultivated by distance and by avoiding issues that truly matter; its sole concern seems to be that no shadow is cast on her power. But this is not political capital that is ever used for resolving tricky national issues.
If you were in Kashmir or Nagaland,you must wonder who you could trust at the Centre to deliver on a promise. The prime minister will take you only up to a point. The Centre does not carry any credibility,because there it has no genuine interlocutors. There is no other leader who can carry the imprimatur that they are acting on behalf of the nation,who can provide a healing touch when needed. More and more of our conflicts will require this kind of constant political engagement. Rahul and Sonia Gandhi,in political terms,carry that mantle as much as anyone does; but they steadfastly refuse to risk it on anything other than politically easy welfare schemes. The scandal of Indian politics is not simply that the prime minister is politically weak; it is that those who are politically strong are constantly running away from political responsibility.
This is diminishing the ability of the government to do anything imaginative. It is also founded on the illusion that politics can be detached from policy. Andhra should have taught the Congress the lesson how quickly it can become vulnerable because of casual political judgments. But exempting Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi from serious political responsibility is beginning to extract a toll. It is letting the Congress get away with the illusion that the hubris,callousness,even charges of corruption that are now sullying the party will somehow not affect its core image. It is as if in case the Commonwealth Games turn out to be a bit of a financial scandal,it has nothing to do with the party as such. Second,it has created a political culture where Congress politicians always seem stuck in a nether zone: many are smart,have independent ideas,but are simply unable to move. And it has sent a message: the purpose of politics is not solving problems; it is the evasion of responsibility.
The writer is president,Centre for Policy Research,Delhi
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