It is extremely ironic that despite being a failed state, the process of electoral democratisation in Bihar has continued unabated under socialist, communist, radical and social justice movements. This has resulted in completely changing the power structure. Wider democratisation aided the collapse of the state structure. Unfortunately, this was ignored by elites of all complexions. The ‘traditional elite’ felt that an enabled state structure would threaten not only their feudal interest but also ultimately their political hegemony. In contrast, the ‘cockney elite’, who dethroned the traditional elite, could not understand the importance of state instruments for inclusive development. The social base of the ‘cockney’ elite being outside the market structure, and their production being generally wedded to self-consumption, they could not understand the importance of a facilitating state to critical agricultural inputs like seed, fertiliser and irrigation.

In the last three years, for the first time since Independence, there is a concerted effort to establish the state’s authority. The increased conviction and decreased crime rates clearly indicate this shift. Over and above this, several state-sponsored institutions are now being established in Bihar. Elsewhere, such institutions have been established by either the government or the corporate sector. Even though massive administrative reform has been attempted in Bihar, the architecture of governance is not techno-managerial and inclusion is institutionalised. Positive discrimination in panchayati raj institutions for lower backward castes, Dalits and women has consolidated social justice and political inclusion. Such inclusion will widen when the Bihar state election authority — an institution unique in the country — will conduct elections for managing committees of cooperative societies, education and health committees, and other societies as decided by the government. Out of these, the cooperative society is critical, facilitating supply of credit and input to farmers. But Bihar was the exception, where the green revolution stalled because of the staggering scale of leakage and rent-seeking by the co-operative mafia. The co-operative mafia’s strength is indicated by the fact that, in spite of Laloo Prasad Yadav’s long reign, when the elections of the superceded co-operative bodies were held in 2002-3 after almost two decades, the same people were elected again : the force of social justice escaped these bodies. Now, with the amended Bihar Co-operative Society Act (2008), elections in these bodies will not be held with a captive constituency of limited members. To ensure enduring change, the government has launched a massive membership drive. There will be a primary agricultural credit society in each panchayat and the election authority will conduct its election. In the third year of Nitish Kumar’s term, economic inclusion is also in the offing — which may fundamentally change grassroots power equations.

... contd.