Opinion The backbencher

Second,even in subjects over which the UPA is claiming sanctimonious monopoly,the social sector,its record is — with the exception of the NREGA — selling stale goods. The right to education bill was a normative landmark. But the bill was yesterday’s battle. Ironically,the bill was enacted in a year where enrolment has crossed 100 per cent. Our future challenges are retention and quality,two issues the bill explicitly militates against. Higher education is an area central to future job growth and wealth creation. But despite high-profile promises and a raft of bills,there is no evidence of any will to tackle the fundamental problems of this sector. The bills introduced in Parliament are a combination of wishful thinking,symbolic gestures and punitive measures. They do not address real problems. On food security,the government has been pusillanimous. States like Tamil Nadu,which universalised the PDS,or Chhattisgarh,which has introduced novel tracking systems are far ahead of what the government is promising. And there is something odd about claiming to be concerned about food security,but letting the ministry of agriculture work the way it does. Its management of inflation has probably neutralised welfare gains. What the UPA is frittering away is an opportunity to think of a new welfare architecture.

Third,in infrastructure and energy the government’s performance has been tepid. The JNNURM has certainly put more money into projects in cities; our buses are better looking than they were. But in terms of its two fundamental objectives it has largely failed. First,it has not brought about serious reform in urban governance. Second,it is not even remotely close to catalysing a form of urbanisation that is sustainable,inclusive and with access to the kinds of services cities need. Again,states are responsible for much of what happens to water. But the Central government cannot escape complicity in the fact that our strategy for water use and preservation is fundamentally flawed.

On the energy front,arguably the single most important element in India’s growth story going ahead,there has been relatively little movement. The commitment to create different climate and energy missions has been just that: a commitment to create missions. Our failure on a robust energy strategy gives the lie to two of the government’s core commitments. How can we even dream of inclusive economic growth,if states like Bihar have barely a few hours of electricity a day? Second,it gives a lie to the government’s commitment to position India as a leading edge technology power.

On most economic issues,it is taking the easy way out. If we have a fiscal deficit,don’t worry. We can always sell PSU stakes and spectrum to balance books. Subsidy reform was promised,then disappeared from the agenda,ostensibly till every Indian has a unique ID.

But perhaps most importantly,the UPA is generating immense political unease. To be fair,the UPA’s big success has been that minorities are less anxious. But its management of political conflict again nails the hollowness of its claims on inclusive growth. Will the Northeast have development if Manipur is blockaded for weeks? Will Jharkhand have development if trains cannot run at night? Is Andhra threatening to slide back on its recent economic gains,because the Congress has managed to generate colossal uncertainty? The government’s ability to manage avoidable conflict is turning out to be shockingly low and speaks of a lack of political judgment and commitment.

But there is a deeper bad taste being left by its performance that consistently reminds its supporters why they had come to fear the Congress. Its commitment to the health of institutions remains questionable. While the first family may conduct themselves with dignity,the culture of second-guessing,inarticulacy,and lack of forthrightness in the culture of the party is enervating. Also,the UPA may have a modernist and forward-looking veneer,but it is too easily tempted to casually flirt with identity politics. It is being too complacent in its belief that the state can continue to frame policy in terms of caste and religion,without it generating a reactionary backlash.

The premises that frame the UPA’s report card reveal its shrunken horizons. It has no sense of how its action and performance fit into a larger vision. For a government entering the second year of a second term,the benchmark of performance cannot be a scheme here and a scheme there. The country is marching on. But the biggest failure of the UPA is that we still have the sneaking suspicion that it is doing so despite the government,not because of it.

The writer is president,Centre for Policy Research,New Delhi

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