Opinion The Communist Party at 90

The Sinicisation of Marxism is reflected in two important legacies — one is the philosophy of the CCP’s founder,Mao Zedong. The other,according to Xi,is “the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics,including Deng Xiaoping’s Theory,the Three Represents and the Scientific Outlook on Development.”

Few will question Xi’s praise of Mao and Deng. But do note the difference in the ideological hierarchy: Mao gets to own a whole new “philosophy” while Deng and his successors contribute to the “theory” of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Political observers will note Xi’s bow to his current boss Hu Jintao and his predecessor Jiang Zemin. The reference to “Scientific Outlook on Development” is the acknowledgement of Hu’s signature ideological slogan. “The Three Represents” — that the party represents advanced forces of production,advanced Chinese culture,and the majority of the Chinese people — is the ideological innovation of Jiang Zemin that was unveiled at the turn of the millennium.

Cynics might scoff at CCP’s claims of “Sinicising Marxism’,and accuse Xi of glossing over the complex ideological evolution of the People’s Republic in the name of “Chinese Marxism” and evading an open discussion of its many contemporary challenges.

Xi’s speech was that of a leader preparing to take charge of the nation and paying obeisance to the previous four generations. In contrast,Hu’s speech at the culmination of the anniversary celebrations in the coming days will be watched for the president’s summation of his own record and his sense of China’s future.

Revealing transparency

As part of the birthday bash,CCP has opened the door to some of its most powerful and secretive enclaves. One is the “Organisation Department”,which is regarded as the “Leninist heart” of the top-down management of the CCP. It controls all the appointments,transfers and promotions of the party cadre and maintains detailed confidential records of personnel. The department was founded in 1924,and its first head was Mao himself.

Last week,it opened its doors for the first time to the diplomatic corps in Beijing. A dozen diplomats got to see a part of the tough six-round competitive selection of the general manager of China State Construction Engineering Corporation. The visitors were told how the department conducted education and training programs even for such high-ranking officials such as the minister of commerce and chairman of the central bank.

At another level,the CCP is reaching out to China experts from abroad to facilitate greater international understanding of the party. “The CCP is willing to maintain exchanges with foreign specialists in all sectors in an open manner,” said Liu Yunshan,a member of the political bureau of the CPC Central Committee,while meeting with six foreign scholars. While answering all the questions of the invited scholars,Liu said the CCP “appreciates the efforts the China experts have made in helping the world to gain a more objective and comprehensive understanding of China and the CPC.”

Earlier this month,the CCP also invited foreign journalists based in China for the first time to its celebrated International Department,which maintains contact with Communist and other friendly parties around the world.

Warring with Vietnam

The one external discordant note in the CCP’s 90th birthday celebrations is the growing military tension with Vietnam,which is run by another communist party that has successfully navigated between adherence to Marxism and adapting it to national conditions. China and Vietnam fell apart more than three decades ago,and fought a brief war in the late 1970s that buried the notion that communist nations don’t go to war with each other.

But the current tensions between the two countries in the South China Sea could be far more consequential. For Beijing’s battles with Hanoi are rapidly undermining the premise of China’s peaceful rise. Even more important,Communist Vietnam is turning towards the capitalist United States to balance the power of a rising socialist China. All three have fought major wars with each other in the second half of the 20th century.

The nature of the alignment among the three could also be symptomatic of Asia’s international relations in the 21st century.

The writer is a senior fellow at the Centre for Policy Research,Delhi