Forty years ago, American liberalism suffered a blow from which it has still not recovered. On April 4, 1968, a relatively brief but extraordinary moment of progressive reform ended, and a long period of conservative ascendancy began.

The assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. and the ensuing riots that engulfed the nation’s capital and big cities across the country signaled the collapse of liberal hopes in a smoky haze of self-doubt and despair. Conservatives, on the run for much of the decade, found a broad new audience for their warnings against the disorders and disruptions bred by reform.

A shrewd politician named Richard Nixon sensed the direction of the political winds. When President Johnson’s commission on urban unrest released its report in early 1968 and blamed the previous year’s rioting on “white racism,” Nixon would have none of it. The commission, he said, “blames everybody for the riots except the perpetrators of the riots.” He urged “retaliation.”

Nixon knew that his call for law and order was drawing working-class whites away from their alliance with the New Deal and the Great Society. “I have found great audience response to this theme in all parts of the country,” Nixon wrote to former president Dwight D. Eisenhower.

It is easy to forget that the core themes of contemporary conservatism were born in response to the events of 1968. The attacks on ‘big government,’ the defence of states’ rights, and the scorn for ‘liberal judicial activism,’ ‘liberal do-gooders,’ ‘liberal elitists,’ ‘liberal guilt’ and ‘liberal permissiveness’ were rooted in the reaction that gathered force as liberal optimism receded.

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