Pervez Musharraf didn’t see it coming until a week ago when he met the army chief for a lengthy tête-à-tête, followed by a phone call by George W. Bush reiterating his support for the beleaguered president. Then Zardari unfolded his constitutional package proposing 82 amendments to the constitution aimed at stripping Musharraf of all his powers save the rubber stamp ones vested in him as a ceremonial head of the state. The basic law was recklessly tampered with during the last nine years of Musharraf’s solo flight, concentrating all powers in his own hands.

In any other country, the president, under such circumstances, would have little option but to resign and count on being allowed to leave office with some dignity. Likewise, Musharraf can hope to secure indemnity for his November 3 imposition of emergency rule, that is, the sacking of 60 high court and supreme court judges and the unconstitutional imposition of martial law. This is precisely what Zardari has proposed in his constitutional package whose scrutiny is now under way by the coalition partners, the PML-N of Nawaz Sharif, the ANP of Asfandyar Wali Khan and the JUI-F of Maulana Fazlur Rahman.

However, given Pakistan’s political history, if the politicians get carried away by their desire to humiliate Musharraf, he can still strike back with the backing of the army and the United States and send the assemblies packing. Lately, he has accused the government of not doing enough to address the crumbling economy and the rupee, the law and order situation — a pet peeve with the general — and public welfare; add a corruption charge to the allegations and the president has the classic grounds under the existing constitution to dismiss the government. He is known to be reckless while making political choices, what’s to stop him now if he sees himself going down anyway? Pakistan is no Nepal where the people’s street power can dethrone a king.

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