Thus, assume that we get uranium from the US or other sources. Assume, in accordance with the spin, that we are therefore able to use more of our domestically mined ore for weapons production. The point will be immediately taken to the US Congress and the conclusion urged that to continue nuclear cooperation with India will violate this Article. Malignant consequences will follow straightaway.

We should also bear in mind that the Article imposes this restriction in regard to non-Nuclear Weapons States. It does not place any similar restriction on nuclear assistance or exports, say of uranium or any other material, by a Nuclear Weapons State, say the US, to another Nuclear Weapons State, say China.

Provisions of consequence

That these are not idle, vacuous statements, that they are not just expressions of sentiment, so to say, is evident from Section 4(o) of the House Bill. This Section lays down that, among the items on which the US President must report every year to the US Congress, are “(A) the extent to which each policy objective in section 3(b) has been achieved; (B) the steps taken by the US and India in the preceding calendar year to accomplish those objectives; (C) the extent of cooperation by other countries in achieving those objectives; and (D) the steps the US will take in the current calendar year to accomplish those objectives.”

Further, Section 4(b)(4) provides that the agreement will come into force only after the US President files a determination that “India is working actively with the US for the early conclusion of a multilateral Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty.”

... contd.