What must also never be lost sight of is the fact that what India does to build trust and to seek reconciliation with alienated elements on its own side of J&K constitutes the core issue. The tangled relationship with Pakistan must of course be ameliorated; but that will be greatly facilitated and even defined by an internal resolution. The prime minister’s task force on J&K on economic rejuvenation has reported while those on cross-border relations and human rights and grievance redressal are well advanced. The fourth group on Centre-State relations (“self-governance”) and internal autonomy within J&K has started its work. Mirwaiz Umar Farooq appears readying to lead the Hurriyat into the consultative process while the National Conference and PDF are increasingly speaking in harmony. Going back to the basics of accession in J&K is scarcely likely to have a domino effect or loosen “integration” with India. That apart, given freedom of choice, many in J&K will incrementally choose larger economic and political association with the Union as a matter of enlightened self-interest. Be that as it may, Indian federalism even now incorporates much diversity and can accommodate more without distress.

The greater the accommodation within the Indian part of J&K, the more will be the pressure on Pakistan to do likewise in POK and the Northern Areas. Neither, despite the grandiloquent trappings surrounding the POK constitution, enjoys much freedom, the Northern Areas least of all. The real task of self-governance lies there and within Pakistan, with the general having decided to win a khaki re-election before he risks a general election. Democracy is fragile in Pakistan but will grow following a settlement with India, impelling economic growth and the rise of a middle class that turns away from feudalism. In combination, these will relegate militarism and the role of the army and the religious right. There are, therefore, larger South Asian stakes for India in the peace process with Pakistan.

... contd.