Over the last few decades China has kept a low profile at the UNSC. It avoided diplomatic initiative and abstained from voting when many difficult issues came up over the years. Beijing used its veto power sparingly, mostly on issues relating to its own territorial sovereignty, especially Taiwan.

International observers of China in recent years have been pointing to growing Chinese political activism in the UNSC and its new willingness to join international peacekeeping operations. Last year saw China play a key role in helping secure the South Korean candidate Ban Ki-Moon as UN Secretary General. Its latest veto, in favour of Myanmar, reflects the new determination in Beijing to act like a great power in the international arena.

While Myanmar expressed its gratitude to Beijing, China’s permanent representative to the UN, Wang Guangya, sought to downplay the vote by saying it was determined by differences with the western powers on the jurisdiction of the Security Council, rather than the substance of the resolution. Wang also urged Myanmar to move toward “inclusive democracy” and promote reform and dialogue at home. Myanmar believes there is a wink and a nod that goes with such Chinese statements.

Middle East activism

At a time when American policies are coming apart in the Middle East, China is signaling that it is ready to defend its growing economic and political interests in the region. Since the end of the Cold War, the US has been the principal external power in the Middle East. Washington will now have to reckon with Beijing’s growing profile in the region.

Unlike the UPA government, whose policy to the Middle East has been paralysed by its Communist allies, the Chinese Communist Party no longer takes an ideological approach to the region.

China, instead, acts like a great power, engaging all the parties in the Middle East. In the last few days it had hosted Iran’s principal nuclear negotiator, Ali Larijani, who was pleading with China to deflect western pressures at the UNSC.

A couple of days later Beijing received Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert who was demanding that China join the West in tightening the squeeze against Iran’s nuclear programme. Last month, China had joined the US at the UNSC on imposing sanctions against Iran. Both Larijani and Olmert said they were pleased with the talks. What else could they say, indeed, given that they so badly need Chinese political support. Beijing’s new approach of playing all sides was also highlighted in December when it organised the first ever Track Two conference of former Israeli and Palestinian officials in China on how to advance peace between the two.

While statements on Middle East from our Foreign Office are aimed at domestic audiences, Beijing is taking difficult decisions, balancing competing forces, and making its diplomatic clout felt in the region.

Everyone in the Middle East is flocking to Beijing to seek its political blessings.

Wooing the Saudis

The most significant development in China’s Middle East policy, however, lies in its new strategic enthusiasm for Saudi Arabia. Within weeks of the first ever visit by a Saudi monarch to China, by King Abdullah in January 2006, Chinese President Hu Jintao showed up in Riyadh for a return visit.

Since then, Sino-Saudi relations have galloped. As the crisis in the Gulf deepens, and Iran’s confrontation with the US approaches, Beijing has bet that Saudi Arabia holds the key to its long-term interests in the region.

King Abdullah was also the chief guest at India’s Republic Day celebrations last January. We have not heard or seen any substantive Indian initiative towards Saudi Arabia since then.