Together these three parameters provided the terms for a final settlement on Kashmir. During his visit to Amritsar last March, the prime minister added another element — the idea of a shared institutional mechanism between the two Kashmirs to improve the human condition in the state. That, for all practical purposes, completed the new template on J&K.

Given this recent history, it would not be accurate to ascribe the entire ownership of the Kashmir initiative to General Musharraf alone. It has emerged out of a dialogue with Dr Singh starting in April 2005.

More important than political ownership is the question whether the four new ideas that have emerged from the recent Indo-Pak dialogue on Kashmir are credible and useful. Put simply, these ideas are: ‘autonomy’ or ‘self-governance’ to both sides of the J&K, open borders, a supervisory mechanism with representatives of all parts of Kashmir, India and Pakistan, and finally a progressive ‘demilitarisation’ of the entire state of J&K.

Every one of these ideas would be hotly contested, for they depart from the long stated positions of India and Pakistan on Jammu and Kashmir. But as a package, this is perhaps the best anyone has ever come up with over the last many decades. It is also one that takes into account the basic political sensitivities of India, Pakistan and the Kashmiris.

To be sure, there are many details to be filled out: an agreed definition of autonomy/ self-rule/ self-governance, ensuring symmetry of self-rule on both sides of the dividing line, the geographic scope of the J&K state to be included in the final settlement, the composition and jurisdiction of the supervisory mechanism. Equally difficult will be a mutually satisfactory arrangement that will ensure the absence of violence and terrorism and downsize the Indian and Pakistani military presence in J&K over a period of time.

... contd.