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Yesterday calling today’s Mrs G

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  • Shekhar Gupta

    The second is more politically significant. He swung his politics distinctly towards religious orthodoxy. The high point of this phase was the much-celebrated ‘home-coming’ from England of two ‘descendants’ of one of the most revered Guru’s horses. Gianiji led them in a procession through the state and devotees packed the streets, some, particularly older women, even picking up the dung they sprinkled as they walked the marquee. Such was the mood of that phase, and so repressive the Emergency regime, that the only man who still found the courage to mock this was Khushwant Singh.

    This story is relevant because it represented the central pivot of the political strategy he crafted: when in power, Congress should do things that Akalis do when they are in power, like pandering to orthodoxy. And when out of power, do things, like making extreme demands, that Akalis do when out of power. So, the moment he lost power and Badal replaced him, he was looking for an opportunity to embarrass him. This was provided by the emergence of Bhindranwale who, to begin with, was only making the demands the Akalis always make when out of power. He rejoiced — initially — in the rise of Bhindranwale and the whole phenomenon that grew in his wake. So did his high command, led then by Sanjay Gandhi. And then it spun out of control, and how.

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    MUCH water has flown in the Sutlej, Beas and Ravi in three decades, but the similarities in the two situations are too alarming to be dismissed complacently. While Dera Sacha Sauda may be much smaller than the Nirankaris in their spread and reach, the Sikh orthodoxy has always had problems with it as its founder as well as followers draw liberally from Sikh practice and yet have a separate sect of their own. Some sort of religious tension has always prevailed, and it was the Congress again which stoked the entirely latent fires in its desperation to retain power in the recent elections. It is well known that the Congress reached out to the head of Dera Sacha Sauda and persuaded him to make a public appeal to the sizeable population of his supporters in the state’s Malwa region to vote for it. This was a most cynical idea. The Congress provided the spark of politicisation to what was already a highly combustible mix of religious tension and bitterness. It is widely believed in Punjab that the quid pro quo the Congress emissaries offered was a softer CBI view of the many criminal cases against the Sacha Sauda chief. That is why the glee with which the state Congress leaders have responded to the crisis is sickening.

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