Could anyone imagine an explanation from Beijing on why it had aligned with the ‘imperialist’ US during the 1970s and 1980s? Did India’s muted protests in the 1980s and 1990s stop China from supplying nuclear and missile technology to Pakistan? Improved relations between New Delhi and Beijing haven’t affected China’s condescension towards India. After assurances at the highest level that it would support New Delhi’s candidature for the permanent membership of the UN Security Council, Beijing sabotaged India’s campaign. After failing to prevent India’s membership of the East Asia Summit, China made sure all real decisions are taken in the ASEAN Plus Three, which excludes India. Nor does China seek India’s permission in exporting arms to our smaller neighbours or building strategic port facilities in Gwadar (Pakistan), Chittagong (Bangladesh), Sittwe (Myanmar) and Hambantota (Sri Lanka).

Interestingly, communists in New Delhi have also begun to simulate outrage at the prospect of greater consultation and cooperation among Asia’s major democracies. The CPM, which objects so strenuously to American statements on India’s Iran policy, is now the first to demand a veto for Beijing on India’s policies towards the US and Japan. Think of the CPM’s anger if anyone in Washington had objected to India’s trilateral strategic dialogue with Russia and China. The CPM’s posturing on foreign policy autonomy seems to boil down to this — India should play second fiddle to China in Asia. The national diplomatic goal is entirely different — avoid an ideological foreign policy and reach out to the great powers in promoting India’s interests. That would demand a vigorous effort to elevate the quadrilateral dialogue with the US, Japan and Australia to the same level as its triangular engagement with Russia and China.