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October
2, 2001
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Whose
war against terrorism is it anyway?
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Lighting
Bush fires
ARE
we fighting USA’s war on terrorism? Or are the Americans fighting
our war on terrorism? Three weeks after the telegenic horror of
the Boeing Bombings of the World Trade Centre and Pentagon, every
Indian must ask himself these questions. For us, Terrorist Number
One is President Pervez Musharraf. For USA, Ally Number One against
Terrorism is the self-same President Pervez Musharraf. We are told
that once Osama bin Laden has been ‘‘taken out’’, Pakistan will
be ‘‘taken out’’ if it continues to behave as a terrorist state.
In the meanwhile, say the Americans, so long as USA needs Pakistan
in its war on terrorism, please do not embarrass us by asking us
to take our collective Nelson’s Eye off Pakistani terrorism. Fair
enough, if this is USA’s war on terrorism. But no, not fair enough
if this is our war against terrorism.
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Is
bin Laden our Number One priority? Will his capture, dead
or alive, end terrorism in AP, Assam, Manipur or J&K?
Are there no Indian interests to safeguard?
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I can
hear US Ambassador Blackwill spluttering that this is not an American
war on terrorism but the war on terrorism declared by the international
community. (Revealing, is it not, that when the Americans say ‘‘international
community’’ they pronounce it ‘‘inner-national community’’ — Freudian
slip or is it merely our untutored ears deceiving us?) Proof that
this is not their war but our war is proferred in the UN resolutions
adopted without a dissenting voice. What could be more ‘‘international’’
than that? Two reservations. One, the US uses the UN like P. Chidambaran
uses the Congress — resorting to it or repudiating it, as the narrowest
self-interest dictates. Thus, when the Soviet veto blocked the Security
Council, the US bypassed the Council and went to the General Assembly
to secure its 1950 ‘Uniting for Peace’ resolution authorising the
US to fight the communists in Korea on behalf of all of us. When
decolonisation in the sixties changed the composition of the UN
General Assembly, the US bypassed the UN altogether to fight its
wars in Indo-China on its own (two million civilian deaths in Vietnam;
three million civilian dead in Cambodia; several uncounted thousands
in Laos: not quite six million and thus a whisker short of Hitler’s
final solution, unless, of course, you add the million innocent
dead this last decade in Iraq). Now that the UN is restored as an
‘‘inner-national community’’, it is back for the US to the UN (in
the same month as it is back to the Congress for Chidambaram).
My
second and far more serious reservation is that the UN Charter envisages
UN military action under day-to-day UN supervision, but did not
envisage the UN delegating its collective security powers to the
military forces of a single country or even a gaggle of allies.
Which is why India, notwithstanding its support to the UN resolution,
and the ardent desire of its external affairs minister to be recognised
as a player, has no voice at all in determining military objectives
and strategy in fighting a war being waged in its name. Leave alone
military matters, India is not even involved in setting the political
agenda. Would any self-respecting Indian government have agreed
to ‘‘taking out’’ Pakistan being placed in Phase II? Indeed, would
any self-respecting Indian government ever agree to anyone, US or
UN, ‘‘taking out’’ a sovereign state of South Asia?
When,
long years ago we made our tryst with destiny, we determined to
hoe our own furrow. The number of non-aligned countries in the world
was exactly one — us! — and in consequence we played a disproportionately
important role in world affairs. Eventually, two-thirds of the international
community joined us (which is, of course, why the US retaliated
by repudiating the UN). But now that the US is back in the UN, should
we be looking this gift horse in the mouth? Yes, because the UN’s
war against terrorism did not begin on September 11. Since at least
30 years (if memory serves right, it was around the time of the
Munich Olympics hijacking of 1972), the UN has been earnestly engaged
in charting the war against terrorism. Three questions remain to
this day unanswered. One, what is terrorism? Two, who are terrorists?
Three, what calibrated measures, prophylactic and punitive, should
the international community take against which kinds of terrorism?
Even
today, the US is unwilling to name as terrorists those of its Sikh
citizens in Yuba County, California, who are openly pledged to the
terrorist war against India in the cause of Khalistan. Even today,
neither France, Britain nor Canada is willing to follow India in
banning the LTTE. Even today, the Netherlands provides such aid
and succour to Naga terrorists that the Government of India’s emissary
has to journey to Amsterdam to parley with them. So, what is this
‘‘terrorism’’ against which we are engaged to act, in concert with
the ‘‘international community’’ but under the stewardship of the
US military command and the agenda set by the US political command?
Next,
who are terrorists? Osama bin Laden, yes, we are all agreed. But,
no, we are not all agreed (at least not yet) that it was indeed
bin Laden who was behind the Boeing Bombings. The Indian home minister
has asked the US Ambassador to furnish the proof he has of bin Laden’s
involvement in the WTC/ Pentagon outrage. The US is apparently outraged
at this act of lese majeste: who, they ask, is this fellow-water
of war against terrorism to ask for proof against whomever the US
wants ‘‘dead or alive’’? Moreover, the home minister suggested to
the US ambassador the names of a couple of terrorist outfits who
kill every week in J&K more innocent Indians than died in the
World Trade Center. This, the home minister has been patiently told,
can wait till Phase II. The critical points is to get bin Laden
now. Everything else must wait till later. But is Osama bin Laden
our Number One priority? Will his capture, dead or alive, end terrorism
in Andhra Pradesh and Assam, Bihar and Manipur, leave alone J&K?
Are there no Indian interests to safeguard? Or are we content to
leave it to the Marines? And is that why our forefathers struggled
for Independence? Is this our tryst with destiny?
Finally,
what is the most sensible action against terrorism? Reducing the
rubble of Afghanistan to still more rubble? Blasting Osama to Kingdom
Come with cave-busters? (Has National Geographic been commissioned
to count the number of caves in Afghanistan that need busting?)
Or does the real answer lie in the Bush administration arresting
a few of the immigration officials who let in the terrorists who
bombed the WTC? Or prosecuting some of the customs officers who
let in their arms and ammunition? Or hauling up the aviation academies
for the training they gave to the terrorists? Or sacking the police
officers who failed to spot the movements of the terrorists? Or
thramming the intelligence agencies for not identifying the operatives?
Or taking criminal action against the banks who made millions out
of moving terrorist money? Or holding airport security responsible
for the most absurdly lax security? Or airlines management for encouraging
15-minute check-ins? Or Bush Senior for not sending in his ground
forces after showing Saddam who was the Mother of the Battle?
Or
flattening Afghanistan from the skies because the American army
after Vietnam does not have the stomach to suffer what the Brits
learned about warfare in Afghanistan in the 19th century and the
Soviets in the 20th?
We
need answers today — because today is the birth anniversary of Mahatma
Gandhi. Hey Ram.
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