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December
4, 2001
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For
the people, without their knowledge
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The
House needs new rules
It
is not a handout. Nor is it a PR exercise. I can reaffirm after
completing two-thirds of my term in the Rajya Sabha that Parliament
is the nation’s commitment to resolving differences peacefully and
democratically. True, it is exasperating to see the pandemonium
and even non-transaction of business in the House so often. At times
one feels helpless over the differences voiced by various parties
hailing from different parts of the country. Still at the end of
the day, one has the confidence that the diversity will be transformed
into a source of strength.
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The
biggest worry today is the scant attention the intelligentsia,
the press and captains of industry and business pay to Parliament.
This looks intentional at times
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The
increasing disappointment being voiced stems from the mistaken belief
that Parliament and the government are the same thing. One legislates,
the other implements. The fault lies in the implementation. Even
the best of laws have remained on paper. Successive governments
have not followed them up. Non-performance or mis-performance of
governments has come to be attributed to the failure of legislators.
But
the biggest worry is the scant attention the intelligentsia, the
press and captains of industry and business pay to the institution.
This looks intentional at times. I can understand the irreverence
of those who believe in an authoritarian regime. I can also appreciate
the disillusionment over the quality of MPs — a few of them are
history-sheeters and a few have got elected because they have money.
But I cannot imagine that the democratic system is worse than the
other alternatives man has experimented with.
The
intelligentsia is cynical and feels let down. They have done little
to develop or improve society. In fact, their performance is dismal.
They seem to believe that a principle can only be stoutly defended
by the language of violence and by condemning those who do not accept
it. The media, to which I have the privilege to belong, is most
to blame. Not only is coverage of Parliament scanty, but it is generally
motivated. The focus is not on debate or how a bill goes through
the numerous stages to become law but in the walkout or the shouting.
The general impression which has been spread is that Parliament
does not do any work. So many members have complained to me that
even their days of preparation for a speech go waste when they do
not get even a line in print. Parliament has been described as ‘‘a
talking shop’’ but the media largely ignores the talking part. Were
there more coverage of the business transacted and less of that
non-transacted, people would come to have a healthier attitude to
Parliament.
Captains
of industry and business have a sense of superiority. They do not
want to mix with the plebians whom Parliament represents. I give
an example: the sitting of the parliamentary standing committee
for home affairs and law in Mumbai last month. The subject was the
Competition Bill which may affect the working of industry and business
in a big way. Some 20 top people from different fields were invited.
Only two turned up. Most of them did not even have the courtesy
of conveying their regret, much less an apology.
If
this is their attitude to the representatives of the people, it
can be well imagined what respect they have for laws emerging from
Parliament. Since they can engage the best lawyers, they have come
to believe that the courts are more important than Lok Sabha and
Rajya Sabha. They should realise that in a democratic polity elected
members are crucial because they represent the people, who are ultimately
the rulers of the country.
I
think that the insult the Mumbai business houses have heaped on
MPs should make Parliament think whether the standing committee
should not be vested with the authority to summon anyone as a witness
and have the power to punish him or her for disobedience. Riches
do not give anyone the right to insult the representatives of the
people. Those who run industry and business should be made to realise
this plain truth. The matter should not rest at what happened in
Mumbai. Parliament must take it up.
My
personal view is that Parliament should be more transparent in its
functioning. The standing and consultative committees should be
open to the media. The committees are the venue where every member
gets an opportunity to speak. The House is cramped for time. The
committees can summon officials (not ministers) and outside experts
to help members get detailed and inside information.
It
is unfair to the people who are entitled to know how their representatives
reached a particular decision. Before the committees came into existence,
everything was debated in Parliament. The knowledge of the public
is now limited to what transpires on the floor of the House. I have,
in vain, drawn the attention of the Lok Sabha Speaker and the Chairman
of the Rajya Sabha to the wrong done to the electorate by not letting
them have full information. In a democracy where information evokes
response, no parliamentary activity can take place behind a purdah.
The Editors’ Guild of India too has demanded that the proceedings
of the committees be thrown open to the media. The argument given
against it is that the confidentiality of the discussion would be
lost. How can a discussion of the representatives of the people
be confidential? It goes against the very spirit of openness that
is a must for the working of the democratic system.
It
is comical that the full proceedings of a committee are tabled in
both Houses but not a word is available to the media when the actual
discussion takes place. In fact, the committee’s chairman tells
every witness before he or she begins the testimony that it would
be made public when the report is submitted to Parliament. If the
evidence given is on this understanding, then why deny access to
the media when the evidence is recorded?
I
have at times felt gagged as an MP. I was a member of the select
committee on the Central Vigilance Committee Bill. The bill related
to steps to stop corruption in high places. We, 20 members from
the lower House and 10 from the upper House, debated the Bill for
nearly six months. I was the lone dissenter when the report was
submitted. It went against the grain for me to keep hush-hush a
report that related to steps against corruption among government
servants. I leaked the findings to a multiple-edition English daily.
I was hauled up for contempt of the House. I had to apologise although
I wonder what would have happened if I had not.
The
NDA government has done something abominable and it will hit Parliament
in the long run. The decision not to insist on the domicile of a
member may change the character of the Rajya Sabha. The Constitution
framers made it a Council of States. I think the amendment goes
against the Supreme Court judgement that the basic structure of
the Constitution cannot be changed. For changing the qualifications
for election to Rajya Sabha does just that.
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