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January
4, 2002
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WIDE
ANGLE
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Now
you see it, now you don’t
An Indian reporter’s journey to Kabul has all the trimmings of surrealistic
drama
THAT
Kabul has become a common dateline creates the illusion that it
has become accessible. It has not. An Indian reporter’s journey
to Kabul has all the trimmings of surrealistic drama.
If
all Western journalists have reached Kabul almost at will why must
Indian journalists make such a song and dance about reaching Kabul?
Simple. Pakistan will give visas to all and sundry but not to an
Indian journalist. And Pakistan remains the easiest route.
There
are three Uzbek air flights a week between Tashkent and Delhi but
Uzbekistan’s Islam Karimov insists he is playing such a sensitive
game navigating between Russia and Washington that large tracts
have become inaccessible to journalists ever since he allowed a
sizeable base for the Americans at Khanabad. For such reasons, plus
a complicated equation with Afghan’s Uzbek Deputy Defence Minister,
Karimov has kept the Friendship bridge at Termez closed to civilian
traffic to Mazar-e-Sharif.
So
you search for a flight to Dushanbe, capital of Tajikistan, from
where, the Indian ambassador has assured you, there are Russian
relief planes and helicopters taking off each day. But there is
no direct flight to Tajikistan, so you return to Delhi to catch
the once-a-month special cargo flight to Dushanbe leaving Friday.
The
ambassador has overlooked the fact that the weekend is followed
by another holiday on Monday. A helpful Tajik Foreign Office man
assures me that a ‘‘helicopter may leave on Wednesday.’’ He mumbles
something about payments to be made to the Russian pilots.
The
lobby of hotel Tajikistan, Dushanbe’s fanciest hotel, is cold, the
large TV screen providing the only relief, blaring MTV dance and
song sequences which a battery of six receptionists watch from behind
their counter. The most attractive among them, Firoza, blows a sharp
whistle to keep residents out of her line of vision everytime a
Salman Khan sequence comes up. ‘‘I love him’’ she swoons.
Upstairs,
on the sixth floor, about 25 American officers are holding a strategy
session in the lounge supervised by an old Soviet-style babushka.
The leader, a counter intelligence officer, takes an interest in
our unsuccessful bid (so far) to reach Kabul. He says he is off
to Kuliab, the airbase being used by the Americans. Since Kuliab
happens to be the district of Tajik strongman Emomaly Rakhmanov,
the deal is clearly a US-Tajik affair. ‘‘If Putin thinks he can
strike deals with the US on our behalf, he is mistaken’’ says a
Tajik strategic scholar. ‘‘We can strike our own deals’’.
This
language is strong considering that the Russian 201st motorised
Rifle Divi- sion is headquartered behind our hotel. A brigade is
scattered around Kuliab and the border with Afghanistan. Is it Russian-US
co-existence or is Mos- cow slowly, in calibrated measure, being
eased out?
By
now my former cameraman Kabir Khan has located me at the hotel.
‘‘Welcome to the dead end’’ he says with humour which sounds black
considering that this is the fifth day in Dushanbe without any exit
routes in sight. ‘‘We have to pay $ 1000 each to the foreign office
to catch the Russian helicopter’’ Kabir says. But the ambassador
has spoken to his counterpart. ‘‘Ask your journalists to be at the
airport at 10 am’’ comes the word from the Russian embassy.
The
Russian helicopter, loaded and ready, lifts our spirit. Then two
Tajik border security guards walk towards the helicopters flashing
their golden teeth in a threatening sort of way. ‘‘We cannot fly’’
the Russian incharge of the flights says ‘‘because they say we don’t
have the permission’’.
‘‘Is
it because we did not pay $ 1,000 each to the foreign office?’’
I ask the group of about 15 crestfallen journalists. I am desperate.
Kabir, his colleague and I hire a four-wheel drive and are on our
way to the Tajik-Afghan border, 300 kms away.
‘‘Two
Tajik cops grounded Russian helicopters on an airport which the
Russians managed until last month’’ Kabir cannot believe it. ‘‘And
this despite that a Russian division is permanently stationed in
the country’’.
It
begins to snow. The last stretch of the journey towards the Amur
Darya is slush through which the four wheel drive barely makes it.
There is no barge to cross the river. It is Friday and the Russian
immigration officials have decided to take a long weekend.
We
drive all the way back to Dushanbe, catch a flight to Khojand in
the Farghana valley after paying $ 100 to the ticket cashier. At
Khojand, a policeman takes me up four flights of steel staircase
to a room resembling a torture chamber. He wants $ 100. After a
90 km taxi ride to another Tajik border post, four officers surround
you. Another $ 100.
Islam
Karimov’s Uzbekistan may be a dictatorship but the smooth passage
through customs and immigration was a huge relief from the venal
anarchy of Tajikistan. ‘‘Don’t blame the Tajik people’’ my Uzbek
taxi driver says on the drive from the Tajik border to Tashkent.
‘‘Too many American journalists have been this way spending thousands
of dollars for smooth passage’’.
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