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A
convenient memory
The unctuous hypocrisy of Atal Bihari
Vajpayee
Mani Shankar Aiyar
THE prime minister, it would seem, is afflicted
with political Alzheimer’s —selective memory loss, where he clearly
remembers what happened a long time ago and conveniently forgets
yesterday. He never fails to recall that he has been in Parliament
for over 40 years. Not, of course, the Lok Sabha, but Parliament
— because the people have defeated him almost as often as they have
elected him, and when rejected at the hustings, Vajpayee has invariably
slipped in through the backdoor of the Rajya Sabha. Moreover, he
has hopped more constituencies than a frog in the spring-time. True,
Indrajit Gupta entered the House five years later, but at least
he continuously represented the same constituency of Midnapore for
all but one short term, and P.M. Sayeed might have come to the Lok
Sabha a decade after Vajpayee but he has never since failed to represent
Lakshadweep. So Vajpayee’s claim to parliamentary longevity as his
particular USP is unusually suspect.
Vajpayee’s Hindi is so good that to make
sure I understand every word I always switch to the simultaneous
English translation channel when he makes an important speech. I,
therefore, heard his Hindi description of the Congress stand in
the Budget session rendered into English ‘‘humbug’’. Not that the
statement is un-parliamentary. And not that I have not myself used
it. But what right has such a pot to describe as ‘‘abusive’’ the
legitimate protests of any kettle, whatever the kettle’s hue? And
wherein lies the Opposition’s ‘‘humbug’’?
Vajpayee says that in his 40 years in Parliament
he has never heard the kind of blunt charges brought against him
and his ministers. Oh, yeah? Let us go back to the beginning of
his parliamentary career — 1957. The language controversy erupted
and the Jan Sangh launched itself into describing as ‘‘traitorous’’
the objections of the DMK to imposing as the sole official language
of the country a regional tongue spoken by a minority of Indians.
Did Vajpayee rein in his followers? On the contrary, one has only
to read the Vajpayee-Annadurai clashes to savour the harshness of
Vajpayee’s barbs. Nothing much wrong with that, but why can the
man not take what he gives?
Vajpayee’s political Alzheimer’s most dramatically
manifested itself during the Kargil war. He arrogantly dismissed
without discussion the Congress demand for an emergency session
of the Rajya Sabha. Yet, it was the same Vajpayee who on October
26, 1962, had led a delegation to demand of Prime Minister Jawaharlal
Nehru the convening of an emergency session of the Rajya Sabha.
The demand was made even as our jawans were reeling back from Thagla
ridge to Sela, and the Chinese were infesting Walong, massing menacingly
in the middle sector, and over-running our forward posts in Ladakh.
In the midst of all this, the ‘‘patriotic’’ Vajpayee demanded the
immediate convening of the Rajya Sabha. The noble Nehru conceded
the request. And Vajpayee unleashed his verbal vitriol in his usual
unbridled manner.
Vajpayee may have ridden the populist wave
by describing Indira Gandhi as ‘‘Durga’’ when she won the Bangladesh
war (which Vajpayee now is assiduously engaged in losing) but has
he forgotten that in the run-up to that war, when Indira Gandhi
was quietly making military and diplomatic preparations for the
decisive blow, he huffed and puffed like a fretful volcano, spewing
forth his oratorical lava? Next, the Navnirman movement of 1974,
which took the vocabulary of viciousness to unheard-of heights.
Vajpayee and his Jan Sangh did nothing but inflame the abuse which
reverberated in the streets and ricocheted in the chambers of Parliament.
For the first time ever, the House was shut down, by Vajpayee &
Co, for what still remains the longest shut-down in the history
of our Parliament. And the man whines when the Opposition shuts
him out for a mere two working weeks. As Nixon once advised his
men, if you cannot stand the heat, you have no business being in
the kitchen.
The elections of 1977 brought Vajpayee
to the Treasury benches. The very first act of the new government
was to spring from jail without completing the trial of the ‘terrorist’
whom Vajpayee was destined to name as his Raksha Mantri 30 years
on. Both were part of the nefarious nexus which abused Indira Gandhi
day in and day out — until their own abuse of each other brought
tumbling down their ridiculous house of cards. Where were Vajpayee’s
now much-touted parliamentary manners when his own Treasury benches
went on and on about Indira Gandhi stealing a chicken in Manipur?
Indira Gandhi did not squeal like Vajpayee. She took it on the chin,
went to the people, and rode triumphantly back from Belchi to power.
In the turbulent aftermath of the people’s
decisive rejection of the Janata Party, Vajpayee re-invented himself
as a ‘‘Gandhian socialist’’ and his party as the Bharatiya Janata
Party. He did not, however, re-invent his infinite capacity for
muck-raking. Without let or hindrance, he baited the prime minister
of the day. Now that it is his day, why does he so resent and take
so personally the baiting of the prime minister by the Opposition?
That, after all, is the duty of the Opposition.
Has a mere three years in Race Course Road
so robbed him of his memory of his own behaviour in Opposition?
Was it not he who not only repeatedly disrupted parliamentary proceedings
but led the boycott of Parliament for all of two sessions? I take
the reader to April 1987 — Bofors. That was when Vajpayee joined
hands with the Mir Jaffers and Raja Jai Chands of the Congress to
criss-cross the country sloganeering, ‘‘Gali gali mein shor hai/
Rajiv Gandhi chor hai.’’
Has Vajpayee even once, just once, shown himself ever to rise like
a lotus above the filth in which he grows in the 14 years that this
untreated sewage has flown through the country? Then why is he so
hot under the collar when I — for it is I he has in mind when he
complains of ‘‘Congress MPs’’ — fling back the same abuse at him
by raising the slogan, so much more true than the original.
Vajpayee’s complaints are, indeed, ‘‘utter
rubbish’’. His unctuous hypocrisy must end if democracy is to be
restored to the rails. He has shown himself unfit to be even the
chairman of the Gwalior municipality, let alone prime minister of
this great country. It is the games that he plays through the likes
of George Fernandes and Pramod Mahajan and the odious Subramanian
Swamy that has poisoned our politics. His accelerated departure
from our political life is the necessary pre-requisite for restoring
decency and decorum to our democracy.
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