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Osama is just the mascot
MUZAMIL
JALEEL
AS
the world mourns the innocent victims of the World Trade Centre
attacks, it is also being prepared for the first war of the
21st century. A war against international terrorism. And the
target is Osama bin Laden, the Saudi fugitive and his Al Qaida
conglomerate of Islamic militant outfits around the globe.
The
Americans might well get Osama’s head and they might even
manage to ‘‘bomb Afghanistan back to the stone age’’, given
the unprecedented support extended by the international community,
especially Pakistan’s military regime. It will definitely
assuage the injured American pride, but will this solve the
real problem? Who is Osama bin Laden? How did he manage to
strike at America’s economic heart and defence nerve centre?
Who are these suicide bombers? And what is this war all about?
A
military strike against Afghanistan — or even the death of
Osama bin Laden — would actually be counter-productive. Islamic
militancy does not need any bin Ladens. It is a psyche which
has its roots not in Islamic fundamentalism but somewhere
else, although it only grows amidst religious fanaticism.
It is the result of a politics of oppression and suppression.
Though we are being constantly told that it is a war between
‘‘terror’’ and ‘‘democracy’’, it is really much more than
that. It certainly has its roots in the double standards of
the democracies of the world.
Noam
Chomsky has chosen to describe it in the words of a distinguished
reporter, Robert Fisk, who described the psyche of the attackers
as ‘‘the wickedness and awesome cruelty of a crushed and humiliated
people’’. Fisk, however, believes that it is not just a struggle
between democracy and terror — ‘‘it is also about American
missiles smashing into Palestinian homes and US helicopters
firing missiles into Lebanese ambulances in 1996 and American
shells crashing into a village called Qana and about a Lebanese
militia — paid and uniformed by America’s Israeli ally — hacking
and raping and murdering their way through refugee camps’’.
Chomsky concludes that ‘‘again, we have a choice: we may try
to understand, or refuse to do so, contributing to the likelihood
that much worse lies ahead’’.
Michael
Moore makes another relevant point: ‘‘The pundits are... gushing
on about the ‘terrorist threat’ and today’s scariest dude
on planet earth — Osama bin Laden... I have heard everything
about this bin Laden guy except this one fact — we created
the monster known as Osama bin Laden! Where did he go to a
terrorist school? At the CIA!’’
If
America — or for that matter, the entire civilised world —
bombs Afghanistan for ‘‘harbouring bin Laden’’ and even kills
him, will it end there? Bin Laden is the symptom of a disease
which has been left unaddressed. It is true in Afghanistan.
It is true in Palestine. And it is true in Kashmir. Unless
and until political uncertainties and the circumstances in
which religious fanaticism thrives are not addressed, we will
see the birth of many more Osamas.
US
Secretary of State Colin Powell says bin Laden’s Al Qaida
coordinates terror across 34 countries and the network has
to be neutralised. According to a recent backgrounder in The
Washington Post, Al Qaida operates cells in far-flung regions,
but Kashmir finds no mention in this list. It is clear that
no jehadi organisation operating in the Valley has direct
links with Osama. But he certainly serves as a source of inspiration.
Osama, in fact, is emerging as a mascot of Islamic militancy
and it hardly matters whether he is physically involved or
not. A dead Osama could inspire just as effectively, if not
more. A dead Osama, a dramatically mythified Osama could actually
be more dangerous.
We
still remember a Class 12 student, Afaaq Ahmad, from a middle
class, educated family from downtown Srinagar. He rammed into
the main entrance of the army’s highly guarded 15 Corps headquarters
with an explosive-laden car and blew himself up into pieces.
On an average, there have been five suicide attacks every
month in Kashmir for the last 18 months. The difference between
Al Qaida and the Lashkar-e-Toiba is just in the execution
of the suicide missions.
But
what should be the response? This new trend cannot be addressed
by destroying the militant camps but by filling the political
vacuum which nurtures such a fanatic mentality.
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