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Tax
consumption, not income
BHARAT JHUNJHUNWALA
Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha believes
in increasing income tax because that is more equitable. Such
equality, however, would have been secured in incomes, not
consumption. Inequity in incomes is bad only if used for consumption.
It is good if it is used for investment. Sinha must tax luxury
consumption, instead of incomes. It does not matter to the
poor if the rich have huge bank balances with which they put
up factories. They are hurt by vulgar consumption. Sinha should
lower income tax and raise excise and customs duties. That
will be both equitous as well as pro-growth.
The country has to increase investment while
maintaining equity. Investment depends upon the simplicity
with which the government collects its taxes. A complicated
tax collection system leads to the generation of more black
money and more consumption. The choice of tax, therefore,
should be made on the three criteria of equity, investment
and simplicity.
Income tax hits investment in may ways.
One, the upper and middle classes who pay income tax are also
the ones who save and make most investments. Less income means
less investments. Two, it encourages consumption. A tax payer
prefers to make a foreign vacation and claim it as a business
expenditure because he saves tax on the money spent. He pays
only Rs 70,000 for an expenditure of Rs 1 lakh. Three, it
encourages No 2 production. Any Delhi shopper will know that
shopkeepers ask for payment of sales tax ‘‘if you want a bill’’.
No 2 production leads to further evasion of income tax, excise
duty and sales tax. Four, the process of collection of income
tax is complicated with individual assessments being necessary.
Income tax is one easy route to the transfer of money into
the hands of corrupt bureaucracy who largely invest in real
estate and gold. It is investment unfriendly.
Excise and customs are iniquitous. They
are collected from every consumer, including the poor. The
little stamp affixed on the match box is a proof of payment
of excise duty. But these taxes are investment friendly. Their
incidence falls on those who buy the cars and chocolates.
A Sethji who lives frugally pays little in the form of these
taxes. They are also simple. If the government wanted to collect,
say, a tax of Rs 1 lakh each from the buyers of cars it would
have to make two lakh individual assessments if it chose the
route of income tax. It would collect the same from about
10 producers and 10 parts if it imposed excise or customs
duties for the same.
The problem with Sinha’s approach is that
though equitable, income tax is consumption-friendly and complicated.
The share of income tax in total tax revenues has increased
from 28.4 per cent in 1997-98 to 35.8 per cent in 2000-01
under Singh’s leadership.
It is possible to impose high duties on
cars and chocolates while maintaining them at low levels on
match boxes and inexpensive paper used for copy books. Such
excise duties would be equitous. Those rich who buy cars and
chocolates will pay the taxes. The difference is that this
equity would be at the point of consumption, not income. The
rich who earn and consume will pay more taxes, those who earn
and invest will pay less.
We need to celebrate wealth while decrying
consumption. Less consumption is socially cohesive as well.
The wealth of the Sethji does not hurt the poor if there is
no vulgar display. In fact, if Sethji puts up more factories,
it leads to more jobs. Iniquitous incomes in the hands of
the investor is actually poor-friendly.
Individual income tax contributes only
Rs 12,000 crore to the revenues, the bulk Rs 40,000 crore
comes from corporation tax. Excise and customs contribute
Rs 94,000 crore. Of this, let us say, one-half is imposed
on ‘luxury’ goods. In the first instance, individual income
tax must be scrapped. The loss of Rs 12,000 crore in revenue
can be easily made up by a 25 per cent increase in excise
and customs duties on the luxury goods.
One objection to this suggestion would
be that high customs duties would provide undue protection
to the Indian manufacturers. This is a false argument. What
matters from the standpoint of promoting competition is the
difference between the customs and excise duties, not their
level. The competition between imports and domestic production
remains the same as long as the rates of customs and excise
duties are similar. Sinha thinks only of equity in incomes.
He should think of equity in consumption, instead. Let us
chart a different path of our own.
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