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NDS:
An exchange it is
The
Reserve Bank of India’s (RBI) exclusive debt trading
club for banks, called the Negotiated Dealing System
(NDS), kicked off trading last Friday with some teething
troubles and technical glitches. What exactly is NDS?
It is a bourse for the debt market especially gilts
that is restricted to banks and institutions, and eliminates
brokers. But the RBI would vehemently deny this description.
If it acknowledges that the NDS is an exchange then
a host of statutory complications arise. As the law
stands today, the NDS would require government recognition
under the Securities Contracts Regulation Act (SCRA),
the powers for which are delegated to Sebi, the capital
market watchdog. And the RBI would not seek Sebi recognition.
Hence, the NDS denies that it is an exchange although
its activities fits the statutory definition of a bourse.
But Shakespeare would have said that—an exchange by
another name is still an exchange—and the law of the
land ought to apply.
But who will haul up the RBI? Sebi
could, but it is already bickering with the central
bank on this issue. The NSE could question it. After
all, its debt market will be badly affected, but it
doesn’t dare to. The debt market brokers could, since
they are being eliminated, but they need a Brokers’
Forum type of body and an M.G. Damani type of leader
to do so. Finally, the finance ministry could and should
be asking questions, but if has, it is certainly keeping
very quiet about it. Such is the clout of the central
bank that when it chooses to do something, minor issues
such as applicability of the law doesn’t apply and there
are no questions asked.
The cleanest accounts
If one needed proof about how well
the Institute of Chartered Accountants of India (ICAI)
protects its own, its annual report is a good document.
A newspaper report says that out of its 96,392 members,
none was found guilty under the ICAI Council’s first
schedule, while only one was found guilty under its
second schedule. One more was found guilty under the
first and second schedules. In comparison, says the
newspaper, The Institute of Chartered Accountants in
England and Wales, receives around 2,000 complaints
each year about its members and firms. Today, when Arthur
Andersen’s complicity in cooking up Enron’s books has
shocked the world, ICAI too is feeling the heat. The
self-regulatory body is being forced to change and has
reacted by tightening some rules and putting a cap on
fees earned by firms from non-audit work. Is this enough?
The finance ministry thinks not. It has asked for external
supervision of the ICAI to ensure that it is forced
to get tough with its members. After all, we cannot
have had so many vanishing companies and defaults with
squeaky-clean accounts and auditors.
Phoren not the
best
The next time you want to buy a made
compact fluorescent lamps (CFLs), you had better think
twice. A comparative test of 23 brands by the Consumer
Education and Research Centre’s product-testing laboratory
found that none of them gave the desired light and some
did not even produce half the expected wattage. Actual
wattage, when measured, was way below their claims and
efficacy ratios were dismally below standards. The hype
about low cost fluorescent lamps (they sell at Rs 35
to Rs 250 as compared to Rs 350 charged by Indian brands)
led CERC to test only foreign makes. Also, many of the
brands made claims about energy conservation and brightness,
which were found to befake and misleading.
A report in CERC’s Insight magazine
says that since the laws aimed at ensuring that these
brands meet specifications are not enforced, they end
up cheating consumers and short-changing Indian manufacturers.
Mobile privileges
A few weeks ago, the heads of Mumbai-based
cellular service operators were moaning before the Telecom
Regulatory Authority of India’s (TRAI) open house meeting
that competition had depressed prices so much that they
were offering their services below cost. Yet, every
time mobile subscribers receive their monthly bill,
they wonder if they are hooked on to a phone company
or a departmental store or maybe even a travel agency.
The bill is a bulky envelope in thick, glossy art paper
with at least two or more expensive little four-colour
booklets hawking a variety of discounts, services and
privileges and whether or not they use any of them.
The cost of printing and promotion is probably loaded
on to the subscribers. Cell phone subscribers would
like the TRAI to get phone companies to disclose what
it costs to organise the frills and promotional tie-ups
and how many subscribers actually avail of these discounts
(usually at five star restaurants) and would they prefer
lower bills to such gimmicks?
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