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After
the riot
Look, Afghanistan could be sliding back into chaos
Anyone wanting to track the state of Afghanistan
would do well to simply keep vigil at Kabul’s Olympic Stadium.
When the rest of the world seemed to be trying its best to
look away, to ignore the Taliban’s blatant crimes of cruelty
after their triumphant roll into Kabul in the mid-1990s, it
was packed audiences at the football stadium that finally
forced even the most evasive to take notice. Then it was the
Taliban’s penchant for public punishment for minor violations
of its medieval behavioral code that was on display. Men would
be hanged at the goalpost, amputated limbs would be waved
in front of cheering crowds, and transgressing women would
be shot. Things, we have been repeatedly told, have changed
since then — 9/11 and the war against terror transformed everything.
Afghanistan was bombed out of the stone age, it was designated
a crucible for a wonderful new endeavour. All the purposeful
nations enrolled in the war against terror would adopt this
landlocked land and help it leap forth into the 21st century.
So, a new interim coalition was installed in Kabul, aid packages
put together, and peacekeepers posted at strategic locations.
On Friday, the stadium provided a reality
check. An ironically titled Game of Unity between a home side
and foreign troops turned into mayhem. Thousands of fans,
angry about being denied entry, clashed with troops. One could,
of course, shrug this off as just another football riot. But
it amply mirrored the chaos Afghanistan seems poised to slide
into. For it came just hours after the country’s aviation
and tourism minister, Abdul Rahman, was collared off an airplane
readying to ferry him to New Delhi, and lynched. Initially
an accusing finger at thousands of Haj pilgrims. They had
paid up a fortune of $1500, and were now desperate as day
after bitterly cold day passed in anxious wait at the airport,
while the Saudi deadline of Sunday neared. Hamid Karzai, the
stylishly caped head of the interim government, then offered
another theory. His own intelligence chief had succumbed to
personal vendetta and organised the assassination, he said.
Either way, it’s a worrying symptom of
political and social instability. Of the dangers of believing
that a sumptuous aid package put together in Tokyo and a government
agreed upon in Bonn would do the trick. Yes, $4.5 billion
have already been pledged, but the ways and means of utilising
this aid are unclear. Leaders belonging to the Northern Alliance
and those loyal to the king have been sworn in together, but
chilling reports of tribal warfare — of warlords engaged in
turf battles — continue to filter in. And, yes, a Hazara woman
is actually in government, but each week brings news of fresh
affirmations that a large chunk of the new leadership subscribes
to most orthodox social norms. The hateful Taliban are thankfully
out of power, but a new liberal order and an efficient administration
are still chimeras.
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