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Hindi-Chini, by and by

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Shishir Gupta Posted: Jan 10, 2008 at 2241 hrs IST
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Last Tuesday, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh set the stage for his forthcoming three-day Beijing visit when he referred the joint task force report on India-China regional trade agreement (RTA) to Commerce Minister Kamal Nath for further negotiations with his counterpart.

At the high-level Trade and Economic Relations Committee meeting, Singh also concurred with the views of External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee, Finance Minister P. Chidambaram and Nath that China could not be given market economy status till 2016 under WTO provisions. At the same time, he decided to revise the bilateral trade target to $50-60 billion — a quantum jump from $34.2 billion at present and the targeted $40 billion during the NDA regime — by 2010. His message for his Chinese counterpart, Wen Jiabao, through these decisions was that despite its tremendous growth potential, New Delhi was in no hurry to allow Beijing into its markets until it showed seriousness in addressing long-standing bilateral issues including the boundary dispute.

Seen in the context of Singh and Wen’s meeting on the sidelines of the East Asia summit on November 21, these decisive steps indicate India’s desire to go with substance than the packaging of India-China bilateral relations. At the Singapore meeting, Wen said India should be prepared to give substantial concessions in the eastern and western sectors on the Line of Actual Control (LAC) to resolve the boundary issue and sought RTA with India as well as market economy status for China. Though Singh made it clear that he had across-the-board political backing in India to sort out the boundary dispute, Wen indicated that Beijing wanted to move away from the mutually agreed political parameters to resolve the boundary issue in April 2005.

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If diplomacy is a game of perceptions, then the India-China relationship is all about power projections. It is instructive to note that China agreed to political parameters for resolution of the boundary issues after the Indian leadership put its best foot forward and led the relief effort in the wake of the December 2004 tsunami. Once Sri Lanka and the Maldives requested India for help, it moved its navy with relief before even the US. It was only after Beijing read the Indian tsunami initiative and capability in the global context that it decided to move ahead on the boundary issue.

It is very important for the PM to get the Chinese to reaffirm the political parameters as well as convince his counterpart on the need to add substance to the relationship given that the two countries choose to be strategic partners. The Indians must convince their Chinese interlocutors to move fast on the LAC by exchanging maps of western and eastern sectors through the revival of the virtually defunct joint working group as aggressive manoeuvres by Beijing on the disputed borders has the potential of disturbing the peace and tranquility pact. This will give New Delhi the requisite confidence to give a strategic dimension to its largely bilateral ties with Beijing.

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