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 The giant kite is stretched across the façade of a low-storeyed building. The message scrawled on it says: ‘Happy 2008’. Narendra Modi’s smiling profile gazing at itself in duplicate on either half of the kite seems to be either giving or receiving the message. Both are possible. At the time of Uttarayan, Gujarat’s most popular festival, the state’s recently elected, third time chief minister can afford to be self-congratulatory and generous with his wishes.

The only thing that seems to be out of kilter about the banner is its placement. The kite does not hang from a Modi-loyalist’s mansion or a BJP stronghold but in a lane in Jamalpur, which, as anyone in Ahmedabad will tell you, is home to a large section of the city’s Muslims.

The kite is not evidence of a change of heart or a sudden burst of goodwill on the part of the minority community towards the controversial leader, but a simple expression of pragmatism. For Jamalpur is the centre of the state’s kite-making industry. In the bylanes of this sprawling Muslim ghetto, it is said that over a lakh people — men, women and children — cut, measure and paste the fragile squares. The kites — multi-coloured, silver, gold and patterned — sell for as little as Rs 1-2 each. And yet, with crores of kites selling in a week before the festival in just one city, this is a business that is significant not only for its size but for the fact that it is one of the few activities over which the minority community still holds sway.

A year ago, the state government invited Jamalpur’s kite makers for a meeting. There was lunch. The chief minister himself made an appearance. There was talk of help and subsidies. But nothing allegedly came of it, not even an invitation to this year’s state-sponsored kite flying festival. Yet, if kite makers were secretly hoping, as some claim they were, for a Modi win in the recently concluded state assembly elections, it was because they feared the alternative: they are among many in the minority community who feared that a Modi defeat might have unleashed another bout of violence. And had their fears been realised, for the kite makers at least, that would have meant a loss of business that would have been impossible to sustain. “Better to eat than to die” says Mujib Khan, proprietor of S.M. Kite House.

Political and social analysts observing post-riot scenarios, particularly at the time of elections, tend to look for change within the dominant majority community. In fact, it seems that it is the victimised minority that finds itself forced to adapt to changed circumstances. This phenomenon could be observed in the period following the Mumbai violence of 1993. In Ahmedabad too, though a patina of calm has reigned over the last five years with no major incident of violence in a city prone to communal rioting, adjustments are taking place.

A sense of subdued resignation is evident among the city’s Muslims. Most aver repeatedly that they have no bitterness against the majority community, at the same time confessing to be helpless in the face of certain trends. The trend of ghettoisation for instance, set in motion several decades ago by the recurrent outbreak of riots, has now resulted in the almost complete segregation of the minority community. Riots victims have set up homes in fast expanding colonies on the outskirts of the city. In the prosperous western part of the city, it is near impossible for a Muslim to buy or rent property or to find a job. The division of living areas has meant a virtual cessation of interaction between the two communities, including at the school level.

The feeling of isolation is further exacerbated by the absence of any viable opposition to the ruling party. Many also fear that leaders, if any were to be thrown up by the community, would not be allowed to function unfettered. All these factors have contributed to a sense of mistrust, an environment in which every event is viewed with suspicion. Sonia Gandhi is criticised for “giving Modi a handle” in the last elections and the Tehelka expose of the perpetrators of the 2002 violence is perceived to have turned Modi into a hero.

Social activists working among the minorities in Ahmedabad say the way forward is through upliftment programmes within the community, which means greater attention to health and education. “We are putting a lot of stress on education,” claims Meherunissa Desai, who runs the Ahmedabad Muslim Women’s Association, “and believe that some day our talents will be recognised.” Organisations like Sanchetna, which works among underprivileged communities, also organise programmes to bring the two communities on a common platform — for joint festival celebrations, for instance. But forging bonds is an uphill task. “I have Hindu friends and colleagues,” says Desai, “but the next generation will have no common ground to meet on.”

Even amidst the despondency, however, the Ahmedabadi Muslim does not lose his sense of humour. The Jamalpur shopkeeper who prominently displays his latest design — a white kite with the CM’s face and the logo ‘Modi Is Great’ — on it grumbles with a twinkle in his eye: “It cost me Re 1.60 to make, but hopefully someone should be willing to give me Rs 2 for it.”

Mumbai-based Shah is the author of ‘Hype, Hypocrisy and Television in Urban India’. She is currently working on a book on Ahmedabad amritareach@gmail.com