Speaking truth to power

Outside the small restaurant where he was having dinner, Huang Qi saw men he recognized, plainclothes police officers. He got on his cellphone to alert colleagues: Something might happen tonight, he said.

Huang, who had already served a five-year prison term for political material posted on his Web site, had just published an article about China’s latest forbidden topic: shoddy construction of school buildings in Sichuan province, where more than 9,000 children were killed when their classrooms collapsed in the May 12 earthquake.

As Huang predicted, when he and two friends walked out of that restaurant in Chengdu on June 10, the police closed in. He is being held in a detention house in the city, the capital of Sichuan province, charged with illegal possession of state secrets, a catchall term often used to stifle dissent.

Huang, 45, is among dozens of Chinese writers and lawyers who have been convicted, detained, placed under house arrest, tailed or otherwise harassed as part of China’s broad crackdown on dissent in the run-up to the Olympic Games in Beijing next month. At least 44 writers are in Chinese prisons in violation of their rights to free expression, more than at the beginning of the year, according to a report released Tuesday by the PEN American Center, an advocacy group.

While much has been written about the political stakes involved, less well known is the personal toll that opposing the official Chinese Government line these days can take. Huang’s friends are often harassed and sometimes detained; his wife, Zeng Li, has been forced to change apartments frequently after police pressed landlords to evict her; frequent beatings when he was in prison left Huang with brain injuries that now spark bouts of violent anger and other health problems. The stress eventually became too much for Zeng; she separated from Huang in 2006.

His life did not have to be one of hardship. The communications engineer was just 36 and a successful businessman in Chengdu when he stepped off the path taken by China’s budding capitalist elite.

In 1999, he established a Web site that publicised the grievances of the poor in Sichuan province, where he lived with Zeng and their son. Conceived as an online site where families would share information about missing relatives, it quickly became a place to read about common people attempting to defend their rights: seven local girls who were sold into prostitution; thousands of area farmers sent overseas to work and then refused pay; a mother fighting for compensation for a son whose death was linked to the suppression in 1989 of democracy protests on Beijing’s Tiananmen Square.

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